76666 


IPublications 

OK     I"  UK 

irinivcveit\>  of  ipenns^lvania 


SERIES  IN 


Philology  and  Literature 


VOLUME  XI. 


THE  HECTOR    OF   GERMANIE 

OK    riiK 

PALSGRAVE  PRIME  ELECTOR 

WRII'TRN     ItY 

WENTVVORTH  SMITH 

REPRINTED  FROM    IHE  QUARIO  OF   KUS 

AN'D  EDITED  WITH   IN'rRODUCFR)N  AND  NOTES 


EEONIDAS  WARREN   PA\  NE,  Jr. 

Sometime  Harrison    Fello-    In  Eiiirlisli,    University  of  Pennsylvania 


Published  for  the  L'nii'nsn  \ 

PHILADEl-PHI  A 

190(i 

■|ii.    [mii-,    I'.  WiNMDN'   C.i..,  S.-Uiiir    A).M-iits. 
iM  ,  !     IMiiluMrlphiu.  I'a. 


publications 

OF   THE 

IDlniversit^  of  ipenns^^lvania 


SERIES  IN 

Philology  and  Literature 


VOLUME  XI. 


THE  HECTOR    OF  GERMANIE 

OR  THE 

PALSGRAVE  PRIME  ELECTOR 

WRITTEN    BY 

WENTWORTH  SMITH 

REPRINTED  FROM  THE  QUARTO  OF  1615 
AND  EDITED  WITH  INTRODUCTION  AND  NOTES 


LEONIDAS  WARREN   PAYNE,  Jr. 

Sometime  Harrison  Fellow  in  English,   University  of  Pennsylvania 


Publishid  for  thu  University 

PHILADELPHIA 

1906 

The  John  C.  Winston  Co.,  Selling  ABents, 
1006-16  Arch  Street,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 


THE  JOHN    C.    WINSTON     CO. 

1006-1016   Ahcm   STRtrT 

PHILADELPHIA,    PA. 


PREFACE 

The  play  which  is  here  reprinted  for  the  first  time  from 
an  original  of  the  rare  quarto  of  1615  illustrates  a  type  of 
drama  little  studied  because  of  the  rarity  of  surviving  exam- 
ples or  accessible  reprints.  It  is  what  we  may  term  an 
occasional  play  of  the  journalistic  type,  being  written  and 
produced  to  satisfy  a  demand  on  the  part  of  the  public 
for  a  presentation  on  the  stage,  even  if  in  enforced  his- 
torical disguise,  of  persons  who  were  at  the  moment  the 
central  figures  of  an  interesting  public  event.  The  play 
is  in  itself  a  popular  expression  of  the  gratification  and 
satisfaction  of  the  citizen  class  on  the  occasion  of  the 
marriage,  February  14,  161 3,  of  King  James's  daughter, 
the  beautiful  young  princess  Elizabeth,  known  as  the 
"Queen  of  hearts,"  to  Frederick  V.,  Elector  of  the  Rhenish 
Palatinate. 

In  the  reprint  care  has  been  taken  to  follow  in  the 
minutest  detail  the  text  of  the  quarto.  The  list  of  i^ersons 
in  the  play  and  the  division  into  acts  and  scenes  are  my 
own.  Texual  emendations  or  readings  of  a  typographical 
nature  are  given  at  the  bottom  of  the  pages,  and  a  limited 
number  of  notes  has  been  appended  at  the  end  of  the  play. 

I  here  take  occasion  to  express  my  thanks  to  Professor 
Felix  E.  Schelling  for  his  kindly  assistance  and  sympathetic 
guidance  throughout  my  university  course,  and  to  Dr. 
Josiah  H.  Penniman,  Dr.  Clarence  G.  Child,  and  Dr.  E.  P. 
Cheyney  for  suggestions  and  aid  on  the  present  piece  of 
work. 

(3) 


INTRODUCTION 


(5) 


The  first  question  which  presents  itself  to  the  student  of 
the  play  before  us  is  whether  the  initial  in  the  signature  of  the 
author  on  the  title  pages  and  at  the  end  of  the  play  stands  for 
Wentworth  or  William.  We  have  contemporary  evidence  of 
Wentworth  Smith  as  a  prolific  playwright  working  about 
1 60 1  and  later,  but  of  William  Smith  absolutely  nothing  in 
the  way  of  dramatic  work  of  which  we  can  be  positive.  The 
former  is  mentioned  three  times  under  his  full  name  in 
Henslowe's  accounts  with  the  Admiral's  men^  and  numer- 
ous times  as  "Mr  Smith."  His  name  occurs  as  collaborator 
with  Day,  Houghton,  Chettle,  Munday,  Hathway,  Hey- 
wood,  Dekker,  Webster,  and  once  he  is  credited  as  sole 
author  of  a  play.  The  most  important  entry  in  Henslowe 
regarding  Smith  is  the  receipt  for  money  paid  in  advance 
on  a  play.  In  the  body  of  this  receipt  Smith's  full  name 
occurs,  and  at  the  end  of  it  his  signature  in  his  own  hand- 
writing is  affixed.^  This  signature  is  exactly  the  same  as 
that  found  at  the  end  of  the  play  before  us.  This  is  a 
significant  fact  and  one  which  goes  a  long  way  toward 
proving  the  identity  of  the  author,  since  it  is  in  such 
connexions  that  he  was  most  likely  to  put  his  usual  signature. 
Outside  of  Henslowe's  Diary  there  seems  to  be  no  further 
record  of  Wentworth  Smith  that  can  be  positively  identified. 

The  only  possible  bit  of  contemporary  evidence  of  a  play- 
wright William  Smith  comes  through  Warburton's  list  of 
the  manuscript  plays  destroyed  by  his  servant.     In  this  list, 

'Collier,  Henslowe's  Diary,  pp.  202,  203,  213. 

*See  p.  13,  where  this  receipt  is  reprinted  in  full,  and  compare  Collier, 
Annals  of  the  Stage,  III.  99,  where  Smith's  signature  is  reproduced. 

(7) 


8  Tl%€  Palsgraue. 

made  some  time  after  1720,  occurs  the  entry,  "St  George 
for  Englmid  by  Will.  Smithe."^  This  list  was  made,  let  it 
be  remembered,  from  memory  and  quite  a  number  of  years 
after  Phillips,  Winstanley,  Langbaine,  and  Jacob  had  re- 
corded William  Smith  as  the  author  of  The  Hector  of 
Germany.  The  "Will."  recorded  by  Warburton  is  in  all 
probability  his  own  expansion  for  the  simple  initial  in  the 
manuscript  which  he  claims  to  have  possessed. 

Turning  now  to  the  various  books  on  the  lives  of  the 
dramatic  poets,  we  find  the  account  of  Smith  so  inadequate 
and  faulty  that  we  must  conclude  the  compilers  had  very 
little  or  no  information  further  than  the  evidence  contained 
in  the  title  page  and  dedicatory  letter  of  the  play  before  us. 
Edward  Phillips,  in  his  Theatrum  Poetartini  (1675),  enters 
William  Smith  as  the  author  of  "a  tragedy  entitled  Hier- 
onymo;  so  also  the  Hector  of  Germany."^  William  Win- 
stanley copied  this  verbatim  in  The  Lives  of  the  Most 
Famous  English  Poets  (1687).  Gerard  Langbaine,  in  An 
Account  of  the  English  Dramatick  Poets  (1691)  improved 
upon  the  foregoing  by  omitting  the  erroneous  entry  regard- 
ing Hieronymo  (perhaps  identical  with  Kyd's  The  Spanish 
Tragedy)  and  by  mentioning  The  Freeman's  Honour;  but 
he  made  the  mistake  of  attributing  to  the  dramatist  a  share 
with  W.  Webbe  in  The  Description  of  the  County  Palatine 
of  Chester.^  An  anonymous  book,  Lives  and  Characters 
of  the  English  Dramatic  Poets  (1698),  follows  Langbaine. 
Giles  Jacob,  in  The  Poetical  Register  (1719),  also  based  on 
Langbaine,  avoids  the  errors  of  all  those  who  had  preceded 
him  by  limiting  his  notice  to  The  Hector  of  Germany.  We 
next  come  to  Biographia  Dramatica  (1812),  begun  by 
D.  E.  Baker  in  1764,  continued  by  Isaac  Reed  to  1782,  and 
brought  down  to  181 1  by  Stephen  Jones,  and  here  we  still 

'See  Steevens  and  Reed,  Shakespeare's  Works  (1803),  II,  371. 
*Cf.  Sir  E.  Brydges's  reprint  of  Theatrum  Poetarum  Anglicanorutn 
(1824),  II.  IS. 
"See  below,  p.  10. 


Introduction.  9 

find  our  play,  together  with  The  Freeman's  Honour  and 
St.  George  for  England,  assigned  to  WilHam  Smith.^  But 
just  above  this  entry  Went  worth  Smith  is  recorded  as  the 
author  of  The  Three  Brothers,  and  mention  is  made  of  the 
fact  that  he  was  "accustomed  to  write  dramatic  pieces  in 
conjunction  with  others  as  Albeke  Gallas,  with  Thomas 
Hey  wood." 

From  this  time  on  writers  on  the  dramatic  poets  are  con- 
tinually confusing  Wentworth  Smith  and  William  Smith. 
Hazlitt'^  and  Collier^  seem  inclined  to  ascribe  The  Hector 
of  Germany  to  Wentworth  Smith.  Fleay**  attempts  to  make 
out  a  case  for  two  separate  authors,  but  admits  that  he  is 
still  in  doubt.  Ward^°  hedges  by  saying  that  nothing  written 
independently  by  Smith  has  been  preserved  "unless  a  fair 
case  can  be  held  to  be  made  out  for  this  prolific  dramatist's 
authorship  of  the  still  extant  Honourable  Hystorie,  or  The 
Hector  of  Germany."  E.  Irving  Carlyle,  in  the  Dictionary 
of  National  Biography  assigns  the  play  to  Wentworth 
Smith,  and  concludes  his  article  with  the  statement,  "All 
the  plays  assigned  to  W.  Smith  in  the  early  seventeenth 
century  are  in  all  probability  from  the  pen  of  Wentworth 
Smith." 

There  were  two  other  writers  of  the  late  sixteenth  and 
early  seventeenth  centuries  whose  names  were  William 
Smith.  One  of  these  was  the  author  of  the  book  of  sonnets 
called  Chloris,  or  the  Complaint  of  the  Passionate  Despised 
Shepheard  (1596),  and  of  several  other  fugitive  poems 
signed  "W.  S."  or  "W.  S.,  Gent."  in  The  Pha:nix  Nest 
(1595),  England's  Helicon  (1600)  and  elsewhere,  beside 
the  lost  manuscript  A  Nezv  Yeares  Guifte,  or  a  Posie  nmde 
upon  certen  Flowers.     The  other  was  William  Smith  the 

•II.  677. 

^Manual  for  the  Collector  of  Old  English  Plays,  p.  loi. 

'Annals  of  the  Stage,  III.  272. 

'Biographical  Chronicle  of  the  English  Drama,  II.  251. 

^"History  of  English  Dramatic  Literature,  II.  607. 


lO  The  Palsgraue. 

herald,  author  of  twenty  or  more  unpublished  manuscripts 
on  heraldric  and  historical  subjects,  besides  a  book  pub- 
lished in  1656,  The  Vale  Roy  all  of  England,  or  County 
Palatine  of  Chester,  written  in  conjunction  with  W.  Webbe, 
and  The  Particular  Description  of  England  published  in 
1879.  There  is  no  evidence  that  either  of  these  men  ever 
wrote  plays.  Nothing  can  be  more  certain,  it  seems  to  me, 
than  that  the  William  Smith  who  wrote  the  book  of  sonnets 
in  1596  did  not  write  The  Hector  of  Germany  in  161 3.  The 
other  William  Smith,  the  herald,  was  born  about  1550, 
proceeded  B.A.  at  Oxford  in  1567,  traveled  in  Germany 
in  1579,  and  for  some  years  lived  in  Nuremberg,  where 
he  married  a  German  wife.  He  returned  to  England  and 
in  1597  was  created  rouge  dragon  pursuivant  at  arms,  in 
which  office  he  remained  until  his  death  in  16 18.  It  is  very 
improbable  that  as  an  old  man  he  should  have  turned  to  the 
writing  of  plays.  Both  these  men  signed  their  names  "W. 
Smith."  It  is  very  likely  that  the  expansion  of  the  initial 
on  the  title  page  of  our  play  into  William  by  the  compilers 
of  the  lives  of  the  dramatists  was  done  on  the  basis  of  the 
common  practise  of  the  time,  and  is  without  warrant  in  fact. 

It  should  be  remarked  also  that  there  are  two  entries  in 
Henslowe's  account-book  which  seem  to  refer  to  an  actor 
by  the  name  of  William  Smith.  In  a  note^^  made  out  by 
Henslowe  to  his  nephew,  Francis  Henslowe,  June  i,  1596, 
"Wm  Smyght,  player"  signs  as  witness,  and  in  a  list  of 
house  rentals  for  1602^^  "Wm  Smythe"  is  charged  with 
two  pounds  and  ten  shillings.  These  references  lead  us  to 
no  conclusion. 

With  the  evidence  before  us  we  are  led  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  W.  Smith  of  our  play  is  Wentworth  Smith. 

^Henslowe's  Diary,  p.  8. 
''Ibid.,  p.  265. 


Introduction.  ii 

II. 

Practically  all  that  is  positively  known  about  Wentworth 
Smith  is  recorded  in  Hensloiue's  Diary}  He  flourished 
between  1601  and  1603,  and  was  during  these  years  in  the 
employ  of  Henslowe  writing  for  the  Admiral's  men  at  the 
Rose.  His  name  seldom  occurs  as  the  sole  producer  of  a 
play;  but  between  April  4,  1601,  and  March  12,  1603,  there 
are  fifteen  plays  in  which  he  is  mentioned  alone  or  in  part- 
nership with  various  other  poets  in  Henslow^e's  employ.  It 
is  doubtful  whether  a  single  scrap  of  any  of  these  plays  is 
now  extant,  but  it  shall  be  our  present  task  to  sum  up  what 
is  contained  in  the  Diary  concerning  each  one  of  them  and 
to  make  such  comment  as  shall  seem  worth  while,  reserving 
for  a  later  section  the  discussion  of  possible  fragments  which 
have  been  thought  to  have  survived. 

I.  The  Conquest  of  the  West  Indies,  Day,  Houghton, 
Smith.  1601,  Apr.  4,  11;  May  2,  21;  Aug.  5,  11, 
16;  Sept.  I,  31;  Oct.  10;  1602,  Jan.  21.  Mention 
of  this  play  is  likewise  made  in  The  Alleyn  Papers,'^ 
April  4,  1 601,  pp.  23,  24. 

The  first  entry  of  a  play  in  which  Smith  is  given  a  part 
is  dated  April  4,  1601,  and  refers  to  The  Conquest  of  the 
West  Indies,  by  Day,  Houghton,  and  Smith,  but  Smith's 
name  is  not  included  until  the  entry  of  April  11,  where  he 
is  called  "Mr  Smith,"  and  this  is  the  only  time  his  name 
is  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  play.  Of  the  five  pounds 
fifteen  shillings  paid  for  the  play  one  pound  is  recorded 
as  paid  to  Smith  and  Houghton,  so  that  the  former's  share 
seems  to  have  been  small.  This  is  perhaps  the  first  connec- 
tion Smith  had  with  the  Admiral's  men,  and  in  all  prob- 
ability his  earliest  effort  at  dramatic  comix)sition  was  some 
minor  part  in  this  piece.     John  Day  must  have  written  the 

'Ed.  by  Collier  for  the  Shakspeare  Society,  1845. 
'Ed.  by  Collier  for  the  Shakspeare  Society,  1843. 


12  The  Palsgraue. 

larger  part  of  the  play,  as  he  seems  to  have  received  the  lion's 
share  of  the  money.  The  property  entries  show  that  the 
cost  of  the  staging  was  the  extraordinary  sum  of  fifteen 
pounds.  In  the  reference  cited  above  to  the  Alleyn 
Papers  is  a  note  signed  by  Samuel  Rowley,  which  informs 
Henslowe  that  he  had  heard  five  sheets  of  this  play  "and 
I  dow  not  doute  but  it  will  be  a  verye  good  playe:  thare- 
fore,  I  praye  ye  del3^ver  them  fortye  shyllynges  In  earneste 
of  it,  and  take  the  papers  into  Yr  one  hands,  and  on  easter 
eve  thaye  promyse  to  make  an  ende  of  all  the  reste." 

2.  The  Rising  of  Cardinal  IVolsey,  Chettle,  Drayton,  Mun- 
day,  Smith.  1601,  Aug.  24;  Sept.  31;  Oct.  10; 
Nov.  6,  9,  12;  and  doubtful  references  dated  1602, 
May  15,  18,  27,  29;  June  2. 

Cardinal  Wolsey's  Life  by  Chettle  was  first  put  on  the 
boards  some  time  about  Aug.  13,  1601.^  It  must  have  been 
very  successful,  for  on  August  24,  1601,  we  find  a  note  in 
the  Diary*  which  shows  that  a  second  play  was  demanded 
on  the  same  subject  within  ten  days  after  the  appearance 
of  Chettle's  play.  The  material  for  the  new  piece  was  evi- 
dently drawn  from  the  earlier  incidents  of  Wolsey's  life, 
hence  Henslowe  calls  it  "j  pt  of  cornall  Wollsey,"  or  "the 
Rissenge  of  cornowlle  Wolsey,"  but  as  it  was  written  sub- 
sequently to  Chettle's  play  it  is  also  sometimes  referred  to 
as  the  second  part,  and  much  confusion  has  resulted.  Ap- 
parently Smith  was  connected  only  with  The  Rising.  With 
Munday  and  Drayton  he  was  employed  to  assist  Chettle  in 
order  to  hasten  the  appearance  of  the  new  play.  Evidences 
of  this  haste  are  indicated  in  the  fact  that  the  play  was 
licensed  piecemeal.^  The  only  time  Smith's  name  occurs 
is  in  the  entry  of  three  pounds  in  full  payment  of  the  "firste 
pt  of  cornowll  Wollsey." 

*Henslowe's  Diary,  p.  197. 
*Ibid.,  p.  198. 
'Ibid.,  p.  200. 


Introduction.  13 

3  and  4.  The  Six  Clothiers,  Part  One,  Hathway,  Smith, 
Houghton.  1 60 1,  Oct.  12,  22.  Part  Two,  Hath- 
way, Smith,  Houghton.  1601,  between  Nov.  3  and 
8,  two  entries. 

ColHer  makes  no  reference  to  The  Six  Clothiers  in  the 
index  to  his  edition  of  Henslowe,  but  under  the  item  "Six 
Yeomen  of  the  West"  he  puts  down  Houghton,  Hathway, 
and  Smith  as  authors  of  both  parts.  There  seems  to  have 
been  but  one  part  of  the  Six  Yeomen,  and  Haughton  and 
Day  are  recorded  as  the  authors  of  this.  Full  payment  for 
this  play  is  dated  June  8,  1601,  and  the  first  payment  for  The 
Six  Clothiers  "in  earneste"  is  dated  October  12,  1601.  The 
amount  paid  the  three  poets  for  the  two  parts  of  the  latter 
play  is,  as  I  make  it  out,  only  seven  pounds.  This  is  much 
less  than  was  usually  paid  for  two  plays,. and  for  this  reason 
it  may  be  conjectured  that  the  old  play  was  expanded  into 
two  parts  and  the  name  changed  to  attract  patronage  as  to 
a  new  play.  There  seems  to  be  no  good  reason  for  be- 
lieving that  all  the  entries  refer  to  the  same  play,  but 
that  the  subject  was  the  same  we  may  be  sure  from  a  popular 
contemporary  prose  romance  by  Thomas  Deloney,  Thomas 
of  Reading,  or  the  Six  Worthy  Yeomen  of  the  West,^  which 
relates  the  adventures  of  six  cloth  merchants  of  western 
England. 

In  connection  with  the  second  part  of  The  Six  Clothiers 
we  have  a  very  important  receipt  signed  in  his  own  name 
by  "W.  Smyth."     It  reads, 

Receaved  by  us,  Ri.  Hathway,  Wentworth 
Smyth,  and  William  Houghton,  of  Mr.  Hinslye, 
the  summe  of  forty  shillings,  in  earneste  of  the 
play  called  the  second  pte  of  the  sixe  clothyers — 

Rr.  Hathway 
W.  Smyth 

'Reprinted  by  Thonis  in  Early  English  Prose  Romances,  I.  57. 


14  The  Palsgrauc. 

There  is  no  date,  but  preceding  and  succeeding  entries 
show  that  it  must  have  fallen  between  November  3  and 
November  8,  1601."^  Houghton  was  probably  absent  at  the 
time  the  note  was  drawn  and  it  was  expected  that  he  would 
add  his  name  later.  The  evidence  of  this  note  would  seem 
to  prove  that  Wentworth  Smith's  usual  signature  was  "W. 
Smyth,"  and  we  may  assume  that  he  signed  his  name  thus 
on  the  last  page  of  The  Hector  of  Germany  where  it  is 
printed  exactly  in  this  form.  On  the  two  title  pages  and 
in  the  dedicatory  letter  it  is  "W.  Smith." 

5.  Too  Good  to  he  True,  or  The  Northern  Man,  Chettle, 

Hath  way,  Smith.     1601,  Nov.  14;    1602,  Jan.  6,  7. 
Mentioned  also  in  The  Alleyn  Papers,  p.  25. 

Collier''  notes  that  the  story  of  Too  Good  to  be  True,  or 
The  Northern  Man,  is  doubtless  the  same  as  The  King  and 
the  Poor  Northern  Man,  or  Too  Good  to  he  True,  an  old 
ballad  reprinted  by  the  Percy  Society,  1841.  A  note  in 
regard  to  the  last  payment  on  the  play,  signed  by  Robt. 
Shaa  [Shaw],  is  found  in  The  Alleyn  Papers. 

6.  Love  Parts  Friendship,  Chettle,  Smith.     1602,  May  4, 

31- 

For  this  play  the  usual  amount  of  six  pounds  is  made  in 
one  payment  to  "harye  Chetell  and  Mr  Smyth." 

7.  Albert  Galles,  Heywood,  Smith.      1602,  Sept.  3  and  4 

(two  entries). 

In  another  place,  the  probable  relation  of  Albert e  Galles 
to  Nobody  and  Somebody  is  treated,  and  the  possible 
connection  of  the  entry  dated   September   3,    1602,^  with 

''Henslowe's  Diary,  p.  213. 

"Ibid.,  p.  204. 

"Quoted  in  full  below,  p.  48. 


Introduction.  1 5 

Hey  wood's  The  foiire  Prentiscs  of  London  is  also  discussed 
in  that  section. 

8.  Marshal  Osrick,  Smith,  Heywood.     1602,  Sept,  20,  30; 

Nov.  3. 

The  discussion  of  Marshal  Osrick  in  relation  to  its  pos- 
sible connection  with  Heywood's  Royall  King  and  Loyall 
Subject  will  be  taken  up  below. 

9.  The  Three  Brothers,  Smith.     1602,  Oct.  i,  11,  15,  two 

undated    property    entries,    22,    23    (two    entries)  ; 
Nov.  12. 

The  Three  Brothers  is  the  first  and  in  fact  the  only  play 
recorded  by  Henslowe  on  which  Smith  seems  to  have 
worked  alone.  The  name  of  the  play  is  evidently  The  Three 
Brothers,^^  though  all  the  entries  regarding  the  book  of  the 
play  have  ''ij"  in  the  title.  The  last  three  property  entries 
call  the  play  the  "iij"  brothers"  and  we  may  infer  that  the 
scribe  first  learned  of  his  mistake  at  the  time  the  play  was 
being  staged.  These  entries  give  us  some  idea  of  the  con- 
tents of  the  play.  Devils'  suits,  a  witch's  gown,  spirits' 
suits,  and  boards  and  nails  "for  to  macke  a  tabell  and 
coffen"  are  mentioned.  The  last  entry  of  all  is  especially 
interesting.  It  reads,  "Pd.  at  the  apoyntment  of  John  Lowen, 
the  12  of  Novmbr  1602,  unto  Mr.  Smyth,  the  some  of  x  s." 
There  is  no  definite  reason  assigned  as  to  why  this  ten 
shillings  was  paid  to  Smith,  but  from  the  proximity  to  the 
other  entries  on  The  Three  Brothers  it  may  be  conjectured 
that  the  extra  sum  was  given  to  the  author  after  the  suc- 
cessful appearance  of  the  play.  There  are  several  other 
instances  in  which  Henslowe  paid  ten  shillings  as  a  bonus 
after  particularly  successful   first  performances.     On  one 

"Rowley,  Day,  and  Wilkins  wrote  a  play  called  The  Travels  of  the 
Three  English  Brothers,  but  it  was  not  the  same  in  subject. 


1 6  The  Palsgraue. 

occasion  it  is  noted  that  Dekker  received  ten  shillings  "over 
and  above  his  price  of  his  boocke  called  medysen  for  a 
cnrste  wiffe."" 

The  dates  of  the  first  three  entries  would  seem  to  indi- 
cate that  the  play  was  written  in  fifteen  days.  Comparing 
these  dates  with  those  of  the  payments  on  MarsJial  Osrick, 
September  20,  30,  and  those  on  Lady  Jane  Grey,  October 
15,  21,  etc.,  we  are  comparatively  safe  in  saying  that  Smith 
and  Heywoood  put  their  play  together  in  ten  days,  and 
that  Smith  finished  his  Three  Brothers  in  fifteen  days. 
If  my  conjecture  on  the  payment  of  the  ten  shillings  to 
Smith  as  a  bonus  be  correct,  The  Three  Brothers  was  writ- 
ten, appointed,  learned  by  the  actors,  and  played  in  just  a 
little  more  than  one  month. 

10.  Lady  Jane  Grey,  Part  One,  Chettle,  Dekker,  Hey  wood, 
Smith,  Webster.     1602,  Oct.  15,  21,  27. 

Fleay^^  prints  parts  one  and  two  of  Lady  Jane  as  by 
Chettle,  Dekker,  Heywood,  Smith,  and  Webster,  but  these 
poets  were  concerned  only  in  the  first  part.  The  entry  of 
October  27th  states  that  Henslowe  lent  John  Duke  five 
shillings  to  give  Dekker  in  earnest  of  the  second  part,  but 
whether  he  ever  wrote  it  is  a  matter  of  doubt.  Henslowe 
does  not  mention  it  again,  and  Dekker  was  immediately 
employed  in  another  play  with  Heywood,  Webster,  and 
Chettle.  Perhaps  the  plan  of  presenting  a  second  part  had 
to  be  abandoned  on  account  of  interference  from  the  au- 
thorities. The  succession  to  Henry's  throne  was  a  subject 
that  might  easily  incur  opposition  from  the  court.  Fleay^' 
says  the  parts  of  i  and  2  Lady  Jane  contributed  by  Dekker 
and  Webster  were  published  in  1607  as  The  Famous  History 
of  Sir  Thomas  Wyatt.  He  gives  no  argument  or  proof  for 
the  conjecture.*^ 

^^Henslo'cve's  Diary,  p.  240. 

^^Biographical  Chronicle  of  the  English  Drama,  II.  250. 

''Ibid..  I.  130. 

"For  Smith's  possible  connection  with  Sir  Thomas  Wyatt,  see  p.  51. 


Introduction.  17 

11.  As  Merry  as  May  be.  Day,  Smith,  Hathway.     1602, 

Nov.  8,  17. 

This  play  was  written  for  presentation  at  court,  and  on 
this  account  the  authors  of  it  were  paid  the  unusual  sum  of 
nine  pounds. 

12.  The  Black  Dog  of  Nezvgate,  Part  One,  Day,  Hathway, 

Smith,  and   'the  other  poet.'      1602,   Nov.   24,  26; 
Dec.  20;    1603,  Jan.  10,  16. 

13.  The  Unfortunate  General,  French  History,  Hathway, 

Smith,  Day,  and  'the  other  poet.'     1603,  Jan.  7,  10, 
16,  19,  24. 

14.  The  Black   Dog   of   Nezvgate,   Part   Two,   Hathway, 

Smith,  Day,  and  'the  other  poet.'     1603,  Jan.  29; 
Feb.  3,  15,  21,  24,  26. 

Fleay^^  conjectures  that  Houghton  was  'the  other  poet'^' 
who  assisted  Day,  Hathway,  and  Smith  in  the  two  parts 
of  The  Black  Dog  of  Nezvgate  and  The  Unfortunate  Gen- 
eral He  adds,  however,  "perhaps  Webster,  but  still  more 
probably  Chettle."  At  best  it  is  a  mere  guess.  The  fourth 
poet  was  probably  some  new  man  who  wished  his  identity 
concealed  from  the  manager,  or  whose  name  Henslowe 
could  not  recall.  The  property  entries  show  that  the  title 
is  not  metaphorical.  "Lame  skenes"  [lamb  skins]  were 
bought  for  making  up  the  dog,  and  an  expensive  suit  of 
black  satin  was  called  for  in  the  second  part.  In  an  inven- 
tory of  the  property  of  the  Lord  Admiral's  men  taken  at  an 
earlier  date'"^  is  an  item  of  "j  black  dogge." 

^Biographical  Chronicle  of  the  English  Drama,  I.  270. 

^'Ibid.,  I.  270. 

"March  10,  1598.  Henslotue's  Diary,  p.  274.  Cf.  also  a  reference  in 
the  Witch  of  Edmonton,  Dekker's  Works,  IV.  406,  where  the  clown, 
speaking  of  the  black  dog-devil  in  that  play,  says,  "Neither  is  this  the 
black  dog  of  Newgate." 


1 8  The  Palsgraue. 

The  Unfortunate  General  on  some  subject  from  French 
history  was  produced  by  the  same  poets  between  the  first 
and  second  parts  of  The  Black  Dog  of  Nczifgate.  The  last 
three  entries^^  record  two  pounds  paid  to  the  four  poets  for 
additions  to  the  second  part  of  The  Black  Dog.  ColHer^' 
notes  that  eight  pounds  had  already  been  paid  for  this  part, 
but  the  records  show  only  seven. 

15,  An  Italiati  Tragedy,  Smith,  Day(?).  1600,  Jan.  10 
(Day),  1603,  March  7,  12  (Smith). 
Collier ^*^  states  in  a  note  that  Malone^^  erroneously  says 
John  Day  was  concerned  in  the  authorship  of  An  Italian 
Tragedy;  but  Collier  probably  overlooked  the  entry  dated 
much  earlier,  January  10,  1600,  in  which  the  record  is  made 
of  forty  shillings  paid  to  Day  in  earnest  of  his  book  called 
The  Italian  Tragedy.  Smith  alone  seems  to  have  received 
for  An  Italian  Tragedy  the  usual  amount  paid  for  a  new 
play.  Perhaps  he  was  commissioned  by  Henslowe  to  finish 
up  the  play  begun  by  Day  several  years  before.  Fleay^-  sug- 
gests in  several  places  that  this  play  may  have  been  the 
same  as  The  Orphans  Tragedy,  but  he  gives  no  reason  for 
the  supposition.  Day,  Houghton,  and  Chettle  are  men- 
tioned in  connection  with  the  last  named  play,  and  the 
references  are  dated  November  27,  1599,  and  September 
24,  1 601.  This  is  a  wide  range  of  dates,  but  they  do  not 
accord  with  those  in  which  An  ItaUan  Tragedy  is  men- 
tioned, and  I  see  no  reason  for  assuming  the  plays  to  be 
identical. 

In  addition  to  the  information  in  Henslowe's  Diary  re- 
garding the  fifteen  entries  preceding,  the  following  plays 
have  been  ascribed  to  Smith : 

"See  entry  14  above. 

"Henshzve's  Diary,  p.  249. 

*'Ibid.,  p.  250. 

"^^Shakespeare's  Works,  III,  328. 

"Biographical  Chronicle  of  the  English  Drama,  I.  106,  II.  286. 


Introduction.  19 

16.  The  Freeman's  Honour,  "acted  by  the  Novv-seruants  of 

the  King's  Maiestie,  to  dignifie  the  worthy  Companie 
of  the  Marchantaylors."^^ 

Fleay^^  thinks  this  is  the  play  performed  January  4,  16 14, 
at  the  Merchant  Taylors'  Hall  at  the  marriage  of  the  Earl 
of  Somerset.^^ 

17.  The  Hector  of  Germany,  or  the  Palsgrave,  Prime  Elec- 

tor.    Written  161 3,  printed  in  quarto,  161 5. 

18.  Saint  George  for  England,  a  manuscript  destroyed  by 

Warburton's  cook  and  ascribed  in  Warburton's  list 
to  William  Smith. 

19.  The  Fair  Foul  One,  or  the  Baiting  of  a  Jealous  Knight. 

Licensed  by  Herbert  Nov.  28.  1623,  "for  a  strange 
company  at  the  Red  Bull,  written  by  Smith." 

Fleay^°  prints  the  entry  and  inserts  William  in  brackets. 
There  is  no  authority  beyond  his  opinion  for  the  insertion. 

HI. 

The  Hector  of  Germany  was  entered  on  the  Stationers' 
books  April  24,  161 5,  being  presented  by  Josias  Harrison, 
the  publisher,  and  it  passed  "under  the  hands  of  Sir  George 
Bucke  and  both  the  wardens."^  The  author's  name  is  not 
mentioned.  After  the  title  of  the  play  come  four  words 
"is  a  harmless  thing,"  but  these  are  scored  through  by  a  later 
hand.  This  was  probably  the  expression  of  Sir  George 
Buc's  satisfaction  as  to  the  contents  of  the  play  and  an 

^'See  the  dedicatory  letter  to  The  Hector  of  Germany,  p.  67. 
^Biographical  Chronicle  of  the  English  Drama,  II.  251. 
"See  Nichols,  Progresses  of  King  James,  II.  732. 
**History  of  the  London  Stage,  p.  303. 

^Stationers'  Company.    Transcript  of  the  Registers,  ed.  by  Arber,  III. 
260  b. 


20  The  Pahgrmie. 

indication  of  his  permission  for  the  manuscript  to  procede 
to  the  press  without  excision. 

The  copy  of  the  play  owned  by  the  Library  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Pennsylvania  has  two  title  pages.  The  two  copies 
of  the  play  in  the  British  Museum  have  only  the  first  title 
page,  while  the  copy  in  the  Boston  Public  Library  has  only 
the  second.  Whether  there  were  two  editions  called  for 
within  one  year  or  whether  the  extra  title  page  was  struck 
off  as  a  kind  of  broadside  or  outside  covering  for  advertising 
purposes  it  is  impossible  to  decide.  There  is  no  evidence  of 
a  second  impression  except  in  the  existence  of  these  two  title 
pages.  The  text  is  identical  in  all  the  copies  I  have  men- 
tioned above. 

The  most  interesting  item  on  the  title  page  is  the  an- 
nouncement that  the  play  was  "acted  at  the  Red  Bull,  and 
at  the  Curtaine"  (probably  not  more  than  once  or  twice  at 
each  of  the  theaters  named)  by  a  company  of  young  men 
of  the  city — apprentices  no  doubt. 

The  dedicatory  letter  to  Sir  John  Swinnerton  was,  in  all 
probability,  written  in  1615,  near  the  time  of  the  publica- 
tion of  the  play.  Sir  John  Swinnerton  retired  from  the 
mayoralty  toward  the  end  of  the  year  161 3,  and  the  address 
to  him  as  "sometimes  Lord  Mayor"  clearly  indicates  that 
the  dedication  was  written  later  than  the  play  itself.  This 
Lord  Mayor  was  a  merchant  and  a  man  of  great  wealth. 
When  he  was  Sheriff  in  1603  he  went  with  the  Mayor  of 
London  and  the  principal  citizens  to  meet  King  James  on 
his  journey  from  Theobolds  to  London.  He  was  knighted 
with  other  aldermen  at  Whitehall  in  July  following.  In 
1612  he  accused  the  farmers  of  the  customs  of  defrauding 
the  king  of  more  than  70,000  pounds  a  year,  "but  upon 
ripping  up  the  matter  they  went  away  acquitted,  and  he 
commended  for  his  good  meaning  to  the  king's  service." 
During  his  mayoralty  the  jurisdiction  over  the  Thames  and 
Medway  as  enjoyed  by  the  mayor  of  London  was  finally 
settled;    and  on  Michaelmas  day,  1613,  he  attended,  with 


Introduction.  21 

Sir  Thomas  Middleton,  that  day  elected  Mayor  for  the 
ensuing  year,  at  the  opening  of  the  New  River  head.^ 
Dekker's  Mask  or  Triumph  in  honor  of  the  installation  of 
Sir  John  Sminnerton,  Knight,  October  29,  1612,  was  cele- 
brated in  the  presence  of  Frederick  V,  Count  Palatine  of 
the  Rhine.  The  dedicatory  letter  of  this  Mask  is  very 
similar  to  that  prefixed  to  The  Hector  of  Germany.  It  was 
a  very  costly  and  elaborate  pageant  and  the  gild  of  the  mer- 
chants, of  whom  Sir  John  Swinnerton  was  an  honored  mem- 
ber and  at  one  time  master,  defrayed  the  cost  of  production. 
The  song  of  welcome  at  the  close  of  the  fourth  triumph  is 
one  of  Dekker's  characteristic  lyrical  productions,  and  the 
last  stanza,  though  not  one  of  the  best  of  the  poem,  seems 
worth  quoting  in  this  connection : 

Goe  on  nobly,  may  thy  name, 
Be  as  old  and  good  as  fame, 
Ever  be  remembered  here 
Whilst  a  blessing  or  a  tear 

Is  in  store 

With  the  pore, 
So  shall  Swinnerton  nere  dye 
But  his  virtues  upward  flye, 

And  still  spring 

Whilst  we  sing 
In  a  chorus  ceasing  never 
He  is  hving,  living  ever. 

The  view  of  the  Lord  Mayor  expressed  here  and  in 
Smith's  dedication  appears  from  the  play  of  Robert  Tailor 
entitled  The  Hog  hath  lost  his  Pearle  (1614)^  not  to  have 
been  universally  held  by  the  citizen  apprentices  or  memberst 
of  the  quality.  In  this  extremely  vulgar  and  artificial 
the  prologue  to  the  play.    In  the  latter  we  meet  such  expres- 

*Delaune,  Present  Slate  of  London  (1681). 

'Reprinted  in  Hazlitt-Dodsley,  Old  Eng.  Plays,  XI.  425. 


22  The  Palsgraue. 

production,  interesting  though  it  is,  the  Lord  Mayor  is 
represented  as  Hog,  a  usurer  and  miser  absokitely  devoid 
of  all  human  feeling.  He  becomes  the  dupe  of  Haddit  and 
Lightfoot,  by  whom  he  is  robbed  of  his  daughter  and  de- 
frauded of  his  hoarded  wealth.  In  the  last  act  the  chief 
character  is  so  suddenly  and  unaccountably  transformed 
from  his  avaricious  and  miserly  nature  into  a  generous  and 
forgiving  father  that  one  wonders  how  it  could  have  been 
effected  without  the  intervention  of  a  detis  ex  nmcJiina. 
That  the  Lord  Mayor  and  perhaps  some  of  the  other  officers 
associated  with  him  are  satirized  in  this  play  is  certain  from 
Sir  Henry  Wotton's  letter  to  Sir  Edmund  Bacon'*  and  from 
sions  as,  "The  long  time  rumour'd  Hog.  .  .  .still  deceiving 
men's  expectations.  ..  .at  length  got  loose.  Leaving  his 
servile  yoke-stick  to  the  goose.  Hath  a  Knight's  license.  .  .  . 
Our  Swine  is  not  grunting  at  state  affairs,  or  invecting 
much  at  our  city  vices ....  Thinking  we  liv'd  'mongst  Jews 
that  loved  no  Swine's  flesh,  etc." 

The  prologue  of  The  Hector  of  Germany  gives  the  clew 
to  the  probable  date  of  the  writing  and  acting  of  the  play. 
The  author  disclaims  any  intention  of  bringing  upon  the 
stage  while  he  lived 

That  Prince  which  in  this  Kingdome  late, 
Marryed  the  Mayden-glory  of  our  state. 

The  date  of  the  marriage  was  February  14,  1613,  and 
we  may  judge  from  the  nature  of  the  play  that  within  a  few 
weeks  after  this  event  or  simultaneously  with  the  court 
festivities  subsequent  to  the  marriage  the  citizen  company 
presented  the  play  to  a  citizen  audience.  It  seemed  neces- 
sary for  the  prologue  to  offer  some  excuse  for  the  unusual 
appearance  of  men  of  trade  on  the  stage  and  to  disavow 

*Reliquae  Woitonianae  (1672),  p.  402.  Quoted  in  Hazlitt-Dodsley, 
Old  Eng.  Plays,  II.  425,  introduction  to  The  Hog  hath  lost  his  Pearle. 


Introduction.  23 

any  intent  of  emulating  or  coming  into  competition  with 
the  regular  actors. 

The  play  opens  with  Robert  the  Palsgrave,  Palatine  of 
the  Rhine,  represented  as  on  a  bed  of  sickness  just  at  the 
time  when  the  Bastard,  Henry  of  Trastomare,  half-brother 
to  Peter,  the  king  of  Spain,  had  come  into  Germany  aspiring- 
to  the  Emperor's  crown.  The  English  King  (Edward  III) 
had  sent  the  Prime  Elector  or  Palsgrave  a  letter  asking- 
that  the  Duke  of  Savoy  be  placed  on  the  imperial  throne, 
and  this  Duke,  with  the  King  of  Bohemia  and  the  Marquis 
of  Brandenburg,  is  represented  as  regretting  the  misfortune 
of  the  Palsgrave's  sickness,  since  without  the  Palsgrave 
Savoy  would  have  a  poor  chance  of  obtaining  the  crown. 
The  Bishop  of  Cullen  (Cologne)  is  also  of  this  party,  and 
the  opposing  party  is  made  up  of  the  Bastard  (Henry  of 
Trastomare),  the  Duke  of  Saxony,  the  Bishop  of  Mentz 
(Mainz),  and  the  Bishop  of  Trier.  Open  hostilities  break 
out,  and  the  Palsgrave  has  to  be  removed  to  a  castle  lower 
down  the  river.  The  Duke  of  Saxony  desires  to  rule  the 
empire  by  proxy,  since  he  is  barred  the  throne,  according 
to  the  play,^  so  he  purposes  to  put  the  Bastard  in  power  and 
direct  affairs  through  him.  In  the  first  altercation  between 
the  Palsgrave's  and  Saxon's  party.  Savoy,  Bohemia,  and 
Brandenburg  are  taken  prisoners,  and  the  castle  from  which 
the  Palsgrave  had  just  been  removed  is  destroyed.  In  the 
presence  of  the  prisoners  the  Bastard  is  crowned  ^^ex  Ro- 
manorum.  King  Peter  (Pedro  the  Cruel)  in  the  disguise 
of  a  hermit  suddenly  arrives  from  Spain  to  ask  aid  of  the 
Palsgrave  against  his  enemy,  the  Bastard,  who,  curiously 
enough,  is  already  in  Germany  in  the  midst  of  the  broils 
over  the  succession  to  the  emperorship.  Cullen  comes  in 
from  the  field  and  announces  one  disaster  after  another, 
the  effect  being  that  the  Palsgrave  is  roused  from  his  sick- 
ness by  the  bad  news,  though  he  is  forced  to  fall  back  on 

*See  below,  p.  74. 


?4  The  Palsgraue. 

lis  bed  when  the  excitement  of  the  moment  has  passed, 
Peter  determines  to  use  his  medical  skill  to  cure  the  Pals- 
grave. 

The  scene  now  shifts  to  England,  where  we  have  the  story 
of  young  Fitzwaters,  who  is  in  love  with  Floramel  the 
daughter  of  Lord  Clinton.  The  elder  Fitzwaters  w^anted  to 
marry  this  girl  and  had  secretly  arranged  the  match  with 
her  father.  The  young  lovers  after  being  once  betrayed 
into  the  hands  of  the  angry  parents,  succeed  in  escaping  to 
sea  w^iile  the  elder  Fitzwaters  proceeds  to  church  to  marry 
a  page  dressed  in  Floramel's  clothes.  The  King  of  England 
happens  upon  them  during  the  turmoil  which  succeeds  the 
discovery  of  the  ruse  and  effects  an  immediate  reconciliation 
between  Lord  Clinton  and  the  elder  Fitzwaters,  who  were 
now  in  a  desperate  quarrel.  A  messenger  then  enters  with 
a  letter  from  Robert  the  Palsgrave.  From  this  letter  we 
learn  that  after  defeating  Savoy  and  his  party,  the  Bastard, 
now  made  emperor,  has  shipped  for  Spain,  where  the  Pals- 
grave, lately  recovered,  thanks  to  King  Peter's  skill,  will 
follow  him. 

We  now  pass  to  Spain,  where,  on  the  field  of  Ma- 
zieres,  the  Palsgrave  defeats  and  captures  the  Bastard, 
who.  however,  escapes  from  his  guardians,  Peter  and  Cullen, 
by  the  help  of  Saxon.  After  their  discomfiture  on  the  field 
of  battle  Saxon  and  the  Bastard  quarrel  and  fight  a  duel, 
but  neither  is  hurt  and  they  become  reconciled.  They  then 
decide  to  go  to  solicit  aid  from  King  John  of  France  to 
counterbalance  the  move  of  the  Palsgrave  who  had  gone  to 
England  to  draw  King  Edward  to  his  side.  The  Bastard 
dispatches  two  Spanish  villains,  Vandome  and  Mendozze,  to 
attempt  the  death  of  King  Edward  and  the  Palsgrave  in 
England,  but  their  plot  fails,  and  they  retire  to  the  lodging 
of  Robert  of  Artoise.  a  disgruntled  French  courtier,  now 
in  England.  The  French  King  receives  the  Bastard's  party 
favorably  and  sends  an  embassy  to  King  Edward,  advising 
him  not  to  aid  the  Palssfrave. 


Introduction.  25 

During  this  time  King  Edward  has  been  entertaining  the 
Palsgrave  in  jousts,  tournaments,  and  other  festivities,  and 
has  finally  created  him  Knight  of  the  Garter.  The  French 
embassy  is  received  and  haughtily  answered.  Saxon,  dis- 
guised as  a  Frenchman,  has  accompanied  the  embassy,  and 
his  hot  temper  causes  him  to  betray  himself.  The  Palsgrave 
disgraces  him  by  pulling  off  his  wig  in  the  presence  of  the 
king,  and  a  duel  is  arranged  to  be  fought  at  some  later  time. 
Robert  of  Artoise,  who  had  been  one  of  Edward's  advisers, 
is  now  out  of  favor,  and  is  ready  to  enter  into  any  sort  of 
plot  against  the  English  King.  Saxon  confers  with  him 
and  the  two  Spanish  villains,  and  they  determine  to  waylay 
the  English  King  in  France,  whither  he,  with  the  Pals- 
grave, proposed  to  go  to  answer  in  force  the  peremptory 
embassy  of  King  John. 

In  the  meantime  the  young  lovers  have  been  shipwrecked. 
Floramel,  having  been  cast  on  the  French  coast,  is  taken 
up  by  the  King  of  France,  who,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he 
was  married,  falls  desperately  in  love  with  the  girl  and 
makes  all  sorts  of  proposals  to  her,  so  that  the  jealousy 
of  the  French  Queen  is  aroused.  Young  Fitzwaters  is  cast  on 
a  rock  in  mid-seas,  and  is  rescued  later  by  Saxon  and 
Artoise.  Saxon  goes  to  join  the  court  and  Fitzwaters  is 
compelled  to  join  Artoise  and  the  two  Spaniards  in  the  plot 
to  murder  the  English  King.  By  a  skilful  manipulation 
Fitzwaters  kills  the  three  would-be  murderers  of  his  king 
and  then  very  conveniently  falls  into  the  good  graces  of  the 
French  Queen,  who,  through  love  of  him  and  on  account  of 
her  jealousy,  betrays  her  husband  and  his  friends  into  the 
hands  of  the  English  at  a  masked  dance.  Floramel  and 
Fitzwaters  experience  a  few  moments  of  mutual  doubt,  but 
are  soon  reassured,  and  after  satisfying  Lord  Clinton  and 
Lord  Fitzwaters,  who  arrive  on  the  scene  fresh  from  their 
achievement  of  liberating  Savoy  and  his  friends  from  cap- 
tivity, the  young  couple  are  happily  married,  or  rather  their 
secret  precontract  is  confirmed.     Saxon  and  the  Palsgrave 


26  The  Palsgraue. 

prepare  for  a  mortal  combat,  in  which,  of  course,  the  former 
is  killed.  The  Duke  of  Savoy  is  then  recognized  as  Emperor 
by  all,  and  the  victorious  party  departs  for  Germany,  where 
Savoy  is  to  be  crowned  with  ceremony. 

IV. 

Let  us  turn  now  to  the  consideration  of  the  historical 
material  upon  which  the  incidents  in  the  play  are  based. 

After  the  death  of  Emperor  Charles  IV  in  1378,  Win- 
ceslaus,  or  Wenzel,  his  eldest  son,  was  elected  to  succeed 
him.  Wenzel  was  a  notably  corrupt  and  incapable  ruler, 
and  the  empire  fell  into  decay  under  his  weak  control.  The 
twenty-two  years  extending  from  his  election  to  1400,  when 
he  was  deposed,  were  years  of  turmoil  and  contention  not 
unlike  the  period  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War.  At  the  deposi- 
tion of  Wenzel,  Robert  the  Palsgrave  of  the  Rhine  (Ru- 
precht  III)  w^as  elected  in  his  stead.  This  Palsgrave  was 
not  the  one  intended  to  be  portrayed  in  the  present  play,  for 
it  was  only  in  1398  that  he  succeeded  to  the  rule  of  the 
Duchy,  at  the  death  in  that  year  of  his  father,  Robert,  or 
Ruprecht  II.  This  last  named  Palsgrave  is  perhaps  the 
original  of  the  Robert  in  the  play,  but  I  have  been  unable 
to  discover  any  source  from  which  Smith  may  have  acquired 
information  concerning  him.  There  is  absolutely  no  his- 
toric basis  for  any  of  the  achievements  here  attributed  to 
Robert.  The  only  possible  reference  that  I  have  found 
which  may  have  suggested  the  name  is  in  Froissart's  Chron- 
icles,"^ where  is  recorded  the  deposing  of  Wenzel  and  the 
election  of  Robert  Duke  of  Heidelberg,  who  was  crowned 
at  Cologne  in  1400.  He  is  spoken  of  as  a  valiant  and 
prudent  man,  but  unable  to  carry  out  his  promise  of  re- 
storing unity  to  the  church.  Ruprecht,  or  Robert  II,  the 
father  of  this  emporer,  was  brave  and  active,  and  greatly 
respected  as  a  statesman  and  soldier.   He  was  an  ardent  sui>- 

^ Froissart's  Chronicles,  tr.  by  Thomas  Jones  (1830),  II.  710. 


Introduction.  27 

porter  of  the  emperor  Charles  IV,  and  did  the  empire  valu- 
able service  in  various  capacities.  In  1365  he  joined  in  the 
expedition  against  the  English  who  had  fallen  upon  Elsass, 
and  it  is  not  improbable  that  in  1375  he  took  part  in  the 
second  expedition  against  these  wandering  bands  of  sol- 
diers.^ There  seems  to  be  no  basis  for  the  line  of  the  play 
in  which  the  Palsgrave  is  made  to  say, 

That  nation  [England]  my  Grandfather  did  love, 

and  the  friendship  of  this  Palsgrave  for  the  English  people 
seems  to  have  been  suggested  to  our  author's  mind  by  the 
mere  presence  of  Frederick  V  in  England  on  the  occasion 
of  his  marriage  to  King  James's  daughter. 

Turning  now  to  the  Spanish  history  with  which  the  plot 
is  concerned,  we  learn  from  Froissart^  that  Don  Pedro  IV, 
King  of  Castile,  surnamed  the  Cruel,  had  three  bastard 
brothers,  children  of  the  good  Alphonsus  and  Eleanora  de 
Guzman,  the  eldest  of  whom  was  known  as  Henry  of 
Trastomare.  Pedro  hated  them  mortally  and  only  awaited 
the  death  of  his  father  to  bring  them  to  disgrace.  Alphonsus 
during  his  lifetime  had  already  given  the  county  of  Tras- 
tomare to  Henry,  but  on  his  accession  Pedro  had  taken  it 
from  him  by  force  and  was  continually  harrassing  him  in 
every  way  possible.  This  Henry  of  Trastomare,  known  as 
the  Bastard,  was  a  valiant  and  worthy  soldier,  and  had  been 
for  some  time  in  France,  and  served  under  King  John  at 
Poitiers.  Pedro  was  a  proud  and  cruel  monarch,  always 
in  trouble  with  his  people,  his  neighbors  or  with  the  Pope 
at  Avignon.  Pedro  was  excommunicated  by  Pope  Urban 
and  the  birth  of  Henry  was  legitimated  by  a  papal  decree 
in  order  that  the  latter  might  lay  claim  to  the  throne  of 
Castile.  Froissart  gives  an  account  of  how  the  barons  and 
knights  fell  away  from  Peter  in  the  struggle  and  how  he  had 

*Cf.  Allgemeine  deiitsche  Biographic,  XXIX.  7^7^i. 
*Froissart's  Chronicles,  tr.  by  Thomas  Jones  (1830),  I.  340. 


28  The  Pdsgraue. 

to  flee  from  Henry's  invading  army  and  shut  himself  up 
in  hiding  in  a  castle  in  Corrunna  in  Galacia.  Henry  was 
hailed  as  the  deliverer  of  the  people  from  the  cruel  and 
wicked  Pedro,  and  crowned  king  in  his  stead.  He  richly 
rewarded  the  English  and  French  knights  who  had  aided 
him,  and  prepared  to  make  an  inroad  upon  Grenada  to  add 
fresh  laurels  to  his  recent  successes.  Don  Pedro  finally 
sent  to  entreat  the  Prince  of  Wales  for  assistance.  Prince 
Edward,  known  as  the  Black  Prince,  was  at  this  time  at 
Bordeaux,  in  his  province  of  Aquitaine.  Upon  the  advice 
of  his  counsellors  he  decided  to  send  an  armed  force  to 
Corrunna  to  bring  Pedro  to  Bordeaux,  so  that  they  could 
learn  from  him  in  person  the  condition  of  affairs.  Pedro 
had  already  left  Corrunna,  but  fortunately  he  met  Edward's 
force  at  Bayonne  and  was  conducted  to  Bordeaux.  Prince 
Edward  made  a  compact  with  Pedro  regarding  the  pay- 
ment of  the  soldiers,  and  led  a  large  force  into  Spain  to 
assist  the  deposed  king.  The  battle  of  Navaretta  was  fought 
April  3,  1367,  between  the  towns  of  Najarra  (sometimes 
called  Nazars)  and  Navaretta  in  Spain.  Henry's  army  was 
routed,  and  he  barely  escaped  with  his  life.  After  the  de- 
feat Henry  proceeded  as  best  he  could  to  Valencia,  where 
the  King  of  Aragon  resided.  He  decided  to  go  on  a  visit 
to  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  at  Montpellier,  with  the  purpose  of 
gaining  that  Duke's  assistance  against  Prince  Edward  and 
King  Pedro.  Preparations  were  going  on  for  an  attack 
on  Edward's  Duchy  of  Guienne,  but  the  Prince  made  a 
protest  to  the  King  of  France  and  gained  the  promise  from 
him  that  no  aid  should  be  given  the  Bastard  in  French 
territory.  Henry  had  gone  to  Bagnieres,  a  town  of  the 
province  of  Bigorre,  in  the  Prince's  dominions,  and  had 
succeeded  in  taking  it  by  storm.  Here  he  remained  in 
garrison  for  some  time. 

The  Black  Prince  was  deceived  by  the  King  of  Castile. 
He  found  that  Don  Pedro  would  not  keep  his  agreements, 
and  Prince  Edward  had  been  left  to  settle  with  his  knights 


Introduction.  29 

and  soldiers  as  best  he  could.  The  Black  Prince  was  forced 
to  break  up  his  plate  and  have  it  coined  for  the  men;  but 
even  this  was  not  enough,  so  the  dissatisfied  army,  after 
following  Edward  back  to  Bordeaux,  was  disbanded. 

Henry  retired  from  Bagnieres  and  returned  to  Aragon 
as  soon  as  he  learned  that  Prince  Edward  had  withdrawn 
from  Spain.  Later  he  gathered  an  army,  and,  with  the 
assistance  of  the  King  of  Aragon  and  Bertrand  du  Guesclin, 
he  made  war  upon  Pedro,  defeated  him  and  took  him 
prisoner,  and  a  few  days  afterwards  killed  him  in  a  personal 
encounter.  Pedro  was  the  stronger  man  and  had  the  Bastard 
down  and  would  have  infallibly  killed  him  if  one  of  Henry's 
men  had  not  pulled  him  over  upon  his  back  just  as  he  was 
about  to  strike.  Henry  was  thus  enabled  to  stab  him  to  the 
heart.  This  occurred  in  1368.  From  this  date  on  to  his 
death  Henry  remained  in  vmdisputed  possession  of  the 
throne  of  Castile.  He  was  as  much  beloved  by  his  people 
as  Pedro  had  been  hated. 

Holinshed^*^  gives  a  less  detailed  account  based  on  Frois- 
sart,  but  does  not  follow  the  events  after  Prince  Edward's 
withdrawal  from  Spain.  Stow^^  condenses  the  whole  of 
this  narrative  into  one  short  note.  In  the  Abridgctncnf^^ 
of  Stow  is  the  following  statement:  "Edward  Prince  of 
Wales  taking  compassion  upon  Peter  K.  of  Spaine,  who 
was  driuen  out  of  his  kingdome  by  Henry  his  bastard 
brother,  entered  Spaine  wt  a  great  puissance,  &  in  a  bactell 
at  Nazers,  put  to  flight  ye  foresaid  bastard,  he  restored  ye 
foresaid  Peter  to  his  former  dignity;  but  not  long  after, 
Henry  the  bastard,  whiles  K.  Peter  sate  at  a  table,  suddenly 
thrust  him  through  with  a  speare."  This  is  taken,  with  the 
omission  of  merely  one  or  two  details,  directly  from  Stow's 
Annalcs.     The  reference  to  Nazers  as  the  battlefield   was 

^"Chronicles  of  England,  Scotland  and  Ireland,  II.  681  ff. 

^^  Annates. 

"Edmund  Howes,  Abridgement  of  Stow  (ed.  161 1),  p.  137. 


30  The  Palsgraue. 

probably  misread  or  misinterpreted  as  Mazieres  by  Smith. ^-"^ 
There  seems  to  have  been  no  Mazieres  in  Spain,  but  there 
was  such  a  town  in  France,  and  the  author  must  have 
confused  the  two. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  account,  condensed  from 
Froissart,  Holinshed,  and  Stow,  how  absolutely  inaccurate 
is  every  historic  statement,  character,  or  situation  in  the 
play.  Henry  the  Bastard  is  portrayed  as  an  ambitious, 
blood-thirsty  and  unscrupulous,  though  withal  courageous, 
soldier.  He  states  that  the  Black  Prince  opposed  him  lately 
at  Mazieres,  that  his  grandsire  and  great-grandsire  had 
both  worn  the  imperial  crown,  and  he  himself  is  crowned 
emperor  in  the  play.  The  whole  of  his  bold  and  romantic 
military  career  in  Germany,  his  return  to  Mazieres  in  Spain, 
and  his  second  defeat  on  the  same  field,  this  time  at  the 
hands  of  the  Palatine  of  the  Rhine,  together  with  the  jour- 
ney to  France,  where  he  is  forced  to  resign  the  emperor's 
crown  to  Savoy,  are  fictions  made  out  of  the  whole  cloth. 
The  only  suggestion  in  the  chronicles  quoted  above  of  a  fact 
which  Smith  might  have  grasped  as  a  possible  excuse  for 
his  treatment  of  Henry's  career  is  that  after  Henry's  defeat 
at  the  hands  of  the  Black  Prince  at  Navaretta  in  1367  he 
fled  into  France.  There  was  only  one  year  between  this 
event  and  the  murder  of  Pedro  by  Henry,  in  1368,  and  from 
these  facts  one  would  be  inclined  to  place  the  action  of  the 
play  betw^een  these  dates ;  but  the  relation  of  certain  events 
which  follow  show  how  imperfectly  such  a  date  would 
satisfy  all  the  conditions  of  the  plot. 

The  seven  electors  are  all  represented  in  the  play,  though 
the  author  seems  to  have  been  entirely  unacquainted  with 
the  Golden  Bull  of  Emperor  Charles  IV.  The  manner  of 
election,  the  formalities  and  prescribed  duties  and  offices  of 
the  various  electors  are,  with  one  exception,  ignored.  This 
exception  is  in  the  case  of  the  Palatine  of  the  Rhine,  who 

"See  the  play,  1.  73. 


Introduction.  31 

is  called  the  Prime  (Prince?)  Elector,  and  is  represented 
as  temporarily  filling  the  imperial  office  during  the  inter- 
regnum. This  was  one  of  the  duties  imposed  upon  the 
Palatine  of  the  Rhine  by  the  Golden  BulL''-^  This  may  be 
accounted  for  by  the  circulation  of  the  reports  of  the  official 
rank  of  the  Palatine  Frederick  V,  who  was  at  the  time  of  the 
writing  of  the  play  making  such  a  stir  in  England.  That 
the  author  did  not  know  anything  about  the  duties  and 
privileges  of  the  electors  is  continually  evident.  In  one 
place  the  Duke  of  Saxony  is  made  to  say  that  being  an 
elector  he  is  "bard  the  onely  throne."  At  no  time  was  there 
a  provision  that  would  have  barred  him  from  that  doubtful 
honor. 

Let  us  turn  for  a  moment  to  the  movements  of  Peter. 
We  know  what  historical  character  is  meant  to  be  portrayed 
under  this  name,  but  that  is  all.  In  the  play  he  is  repre- 
sented as  a  hermit  skilled  in  the  knowledge  of  the  healing 
art,  a  mild-hearted  religious  devotee,  a  weak  soldier,  and  a 
mistreated  king.  We  have  seen  that  Froissart  gives  him  an 
entirely  different  character.     In  the  play  Peter  says : 

Since  the  decease  of  Englands  royall  Sonne, 
That  plac't  me  lately  in  Spayne's  gouernment. 
Those  that  did  feare  me  for  his  valor  sake, 
Are  by  the  traynes  and  falshood  of  my  brother 
Reuolted  from  mee,  etc. 

It  is  a  severe  strain  on  the  reader's  credulity  to  hear 
Peter  talking  thus  of  the  decease  of  the  Black  Prince  when 
he  himself  had  been  dead  for  eight  years  at  the  time  that 
event  took  place.  Moreover,  the  excuse  which  Peter  makes 
for  leaving  his  realm  and  seeking  aid  first  in  France  and 
then  in  Germany  is  too  weak  to  be  accepted  as  within  the 
range  of  probability.     It  leaves  Castile  without  a  king,  for 

"Cf.  Golden  Bull,  Henderson's  Historical  Documents,  p.  234,  and  see 
line  13  of  the  play. 


32 


The  Pals^raue. 


the  Bastard  was  already  in  Germany.  But  our  author 
needed  in  Germany  a  hermit  with  medical  skill  to  cure  the 
Palsgrave  of  his  malady,  and  it  is  easy  enough  in  this 
romantic  sphere  of  history  to  make  him  a  king  and  import 
him  from  beyond  the  Pyrenees.  After  the  escape  of  the 
Bastard  from  Peter's  custody^^  and  the  sharp  reprimand 
given  Peter  by  the  Palsgrave,  we  hear  nothing  more  of 
Don  Pedro.  The  scene  shifts  to  England  and  then  to 
France,  and  the  Spanish  king  is  left  presumably  in  peaceful 
possession  of  his  throne. 

On  the  English  side  we  might  expect  somewhat  more 
deference  to  be  paid  to  the  facts  of  history,  but  we  are  still 
in  the  realm  of  romance.  The  visit  of  the  Palsgrave  Robert 
to  England  is  a  plausible  fiction  based  on  the  actual  presence 
of  the  Palatine  Frederick  in  the  realm.  We  read  in  Stow 
and  Holinshed  of  jousts  and  tournaments  held  at  Windsor 
in  honor  of  the  founding  of  the  Order  of  the  Garter  ( 1344) 
and  similar  events.  The  entertainments  described  in  the 
play  were  really  suggested  by  those  given  in  honor  of  the 
visits  of  such  princes  as  Christianus  von  Anhalt^*^  and  Fred- 
erick of  the  Palatinate  of  the  Rhine/'^  when  triumphs  on 
land  and  water,  feasts  by  night  and  by  day,  jousts  and 
tourneys  and  all  sorts  of  masks,  triumphs  and  entertain- 
ments of  every  kind  were  prepared  and  presented  with  all 
the  extravagant  display  of  the  London  of  the  seventeenth 
century.  The  elaborate  representation  in  the  play  of  the 
bestowal  of  the  Garter  on  the  Palsgrave  Robert  was  but  a 
news  item  of  what  had  occurred  when  Frederick  V  was 
initiated  into  that  order.  ^^ 

The  Earl  of  Artoise  is  a  historical  character ;  but  his 
death  occurred  in  1342,  so  that  his  appearance  in  the  present 
"honourable  hystorie"  presents  an  inconsistency  as  to  dates. 

''See  line  691  of  the  play. 

"Stow,  Abridgement  (ed.  1611).  p.  506. 

"Stow,  Annates  (ed.  1631),  p.  1002.    Also  Nichols,  James  I,  Vol.  II. 

"Stow,  Annates  (ed.  1631),  p.  1005,  and  Nichols,  James  I,  Vol.  II. 


Introduction.  33 

The  original  of  this  character  was  descended  from  the  royal 
family  of  France  and  had  married  a  sister  of  Philip  VI. 
He  was  a  man  of  violent  passions  and  in  consequence  of  some 
outburst  was  deprived  of  his  possessions  in  the  county  of 
Artoise  and  driven  into  exile.  In  revenge  for  this  disgrace 
he  attached  himself  to  King  Edward,  who  showed  him  many 
favors.  Artoise  persuaded  the  king  that  he  (King  Edward) 
had  a  direct  claim  on  the  throne  of  France  through  his 
mother  Isabella,  daughter  of  Philip  the  Fair.  Froissart^* 
says  of  him,  "He  was  courteous,  courageous,  and  gallant, 
and  of  the  first  blood  of  the  world." 

The  same  character  appears  more  consistently  with  fact 
in  that  excellent  anonymous  play  The  Raigne  of  King  Ed- 
ward III  (circa  1590),  where  he  is  portrayed  as  a  brave 
officer  and  a  loyal  adherent  to  Edward's  claims  to  the 
French  crown.  The  ignominious  part  played  by  Artoise  in 
the  present  play  seems  to  be  altogether  a  creation  of  the 
imagination  of  our  author  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  his  plot. 

Which  Duke  of  Savoy  it  was  whom  Edward  wanted  to 
have  elected  emperor  I  have  been  unable  to  decide.  Holins- 
hed^°  mentions  a  Duke  of  Savoy  who  entertained  the  Duke 
of  Clarence  royally  when  he  visited  Italy.  Froissart^^  speaks 
of  an  Earl  of  Savoy  who  lived  in  the  town  of  Piguerol,  in 
Piedmont,  and  who  entertained  most  magnificently  one  of 
Prince  Edward's  ambassadors.  Stow  mentions  a  Duke  of 
Savoy  among  the  men  of  rank  slain  at  the  battle  of  Cressy. 
The  only  foundation  for  the  proposal  of  King  Edward 
to  the  Palsgrave  that  the  Duke  of  Savoy  be  elected  emperor 
may  be  in  the  fact  that  the  electors  offered  the  emperor's 
crown  to  King  Edward  in  1347.^^  As  far  back  as  1257 
Richard,  Duke  of  Cornwall,  was  chosen  King  of  the  Romans 
and  went  to  Germany  to  receive  the  crown  from  the  Pope, 

"Chronicles,  I.  36,  39,  120,  etc. 

'"Chronicles,  II.  685. 

"Chronicles,  I.  400. 

"Cf.  Longman,  Life  of  Edzvard  III,  I.  292. 


34  The  Palsgraue. 

but  after  two  years  of  empty  show,  all  his  ready  money 
being  by  this  time  exhausted,  he  found  himself  without 
support  or  power;   so  he  returned  to  England.^^ 

Why  King  John,  who  died  in  1364,  should  have  been 
made  to  play  so  contemptible  a  part  in  the  play  is  a  matter 
difficult  to  explain.  The  whole  romantic  episode  of  the 
surprise  and  capture  of  the  French  court,  together  with  the 
various  foreign  princes  and  potentates  connected  with  the 
story  who  were  then  its  honored  visitors,  it  is  needless  to 
say,  is  a  fabrication  entirely  without  foundation  in  his- 
torical fact. 

From  this  discussion  it  will  be  seen  that  Mr.  Herford** 
is  far  from  wrong  when  he  says,  "The  score  or  so  of 
early  plays  which  profess  to  be  founded  on  German  history, 
treat  it  with  an  open  contempt  much  beyond  what  is  de- 
manded by  the  most  exclusive  pursuit  of  scenic  efifect.  His- 
toric truth  is  not  subordinated  to  dramatic  truth,  but  simply 
ignored.  There  is  not  the  faintest  sign  that  any  dramatist 
studied  a  German  chronicle."  Speaking  specifically  of  this 
play,  he  says,  "The  Hector  of  Germany,  professedly  dealing 
with  a  contemporary  of  the  Black  Prince,  is  an  audacious 
revision  of  the  history  of  the  fourteenth  century  in  the 
spirit  of  the  seventeenth."^^  In  a  note  Herford  states  that 
the  action  is  divided  between  the  Black  Prince's  adventure 
in  aid  of  Pedro  the  Cruel  and  an  intrigue  for  the  empire. 
But  the  Black  Prince  is  represented  in  the  play  as  already 
dead,  and  this  episode  in  his  history  is  boldly  transferred 
to  the  Palsgrave,  who  is  made  to  perform  on  the  same 
battlefield,  however  strange  to  history  this  may  be,  more 
wonderful  feats  than  were  ever  attributed  to  the  Black 
Prince. 

"Holinshed,  II.  442,  and  Stow  (ed.  1631),  p.  191. 

**Literary  Relations  of  England  and  Germany  in  the  Sixteenth  Cen- 
tury, p.  171. 

*/fet(f.,  p.  171 


Introduction.  35 

V. 

In  The  Hector  of  Germcmy  we  have  a  play  representing 
a  type  of  ephemeral  literature  very  similar  to  the  popular 
journalism  of  the  present  time.  Plays  of  like  kind  are  John 
van  Olden  Barnaz^eldt  and  The  Game  at  Chess,  the  former 
wholly  on  a  foreign  subject  and  hence  presenting  an  undis- 
guised piece  of  stage  journalism;  the  latter,  an  indirect 
portraiture  of  contemporary  events,  including  among  its 
characters  the  English  king  and  the  dignitaries  of  his  court, 
couched  under  the  disguise  of  allegorical  representation. 

Fleay^^  says  the  interesting  feature  about  The  Hector  of 
Germany  is  that  it  was  played  not  by  the  regular  actors,  but 
by  a  company  of  young  men  of  the  city.  These  youths  were 
not  only  intensely  interested  in  the  progress  of  the  relations 
indicated  by  the  popular  marriage,  but  showed  this  interest 
by  actually  learning  and  presenting  a  play  in  honor  of  the 
foreign  prince  who  had  been  but  recently  adopted  into  the 
English  royal  household.  Smith's  play  formed  no  part  of 
the  royal  entertainment  provided  for  the  Palatine  and  his 
followers,  and  it  was  probably  not  noticed  in  court  circles. 
It  was  written  professedly  for  and  played  by  citizens. 
Nothing  could  be  more  natural  than  that  the  citizen  class 
should  desire  to  be  entertained  by  a  play  which  introduced 
the  stately  dances,  masks,  tournaments,  ceremonials  of  the 
Order  of  the  Garter,  etc.,  which  were  being  enacted  in  real 
life  at  the  court,  and  at  the  same  time  presented  the  proto- 
types of  the  very  characters  in  whom  the  whole  community 
and  nation  was  just  then  so  deeply  interested. 

Under  the  circumstances,  we  need  not  expect  to  find  any 
very  high  degree  of  literary  merit  of  a  permanent  kind  in 
the  play.  It  was  doubtless  written  very  hurriedly  and  care- 
lessly, as  the  numerous  instances  of  illogical  situations  and 
sequences  testify.  Sir  Walter  Scott,  in  his  Journal,  under 
the  date  of  August,  1826,  set  down  the  first  word  of  criticism 

"Biographical  Chronicle  of  the  English  Drama,  II,  251. 


36  The  Palsgraue. 

on  this  play.  He  characterized  it  as  "a  sort  of  bouncing 
tragedy  worthless  in  the  extreme,  yet  like  many  of  the  plays 
of  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  written  to  a  good 
tune."  He  adds  a  discriminating  bit  of  criticism  worth  re- 
membering. "The  dramatic  poets  of  that  time  seemed  to 
have  possessed  as  joint  stock  a  highly  poetical  and  abstract 
tone  of  language,  so  that  the  worst  of  them  often  reminded 
you  of  the  very  best.  The  audience  must  have  had  a  much 
stronger  sense  of  poetry  in  those  days  than  now,  since 
language  was  received  and  applauded  at  the  Fortune  and 
Red  Bull,  which  could  not  now  be  understood  by  any 
general  audience  in  Great  Britain. "^'^ 

The  judgment  that  The  Hector  of  Germany  is  worthless 
is  too  severe.  The  play  possesses  as  much  merit  as  one 
might  expect  of  such  a  production.  It  is  interesting 
in  its  romance  and  patriotic  in  its  appeal.  Englishmen,  great 
by  the  power  of  their  successes,  are  everywhere  the  fear 
of  their  enemies  and  the  toast  of  their  friends.  Spaniards 
and  Frenchmen  are  scoffed  and  derided,  while  the  Germans 
are  lauded  to  the  skies.  The  style  of  the  verse  is  somewhat 
mechanical  and  stiff,^^  and  the  phraseology  is  never  bold 
and  imaginative,  though  at  times  it  seems  not  wholly  void 
of  poetic  feeling.  Though  not  drawn  with  sufficient  clear- 
ness of  outlines  to  make  them  stand  out  in  bold  relief,  the 
characters  are  nevertheless  individualized  and  made  alive 
to  a  degree  at  least  equal  to  the  average  of  plays  of  this  class. 

The   nature   of   the   material   handled   and   the    fashion 

'^'The  Journal  of  Sir  Walter  Scott  (1890),  I.  234. 

"*The  percentage  of  rimed  lines  is  small.  About  twenty  scenes  are 
capped  off  with  rimes,  in  one  instance  a  double  set,  and  there  are  thirty- 
nine  instances  of  rime  to  round  off  a  longer  speech,  or  forewarn  an 
exit  or  entrance.  There  are  only  thirty-three  instances  of  rime  in  mid- 
scene.  A  large  proportion  of  these  mid-scene  rimes  are  recorded  in  the 
love-making  scenes  betweeen  the  French  King  and  the  heroine  of  the 
sub-plot.  Thirty-four  of  the  rimes  of  the  play  are  found  in  these  two 
scenes,  or  about  37  per  cent,  of  the  whole.  There  are  1861  lines  of 
verse  in  the  play,  and  only  about  9.8  per  cent,  of  these  are  rimed. 


Introduction.  37 

which  required  a  romantic  love  story  in  every  play  of  the 
time  militates  against  anything-  like  historic  unity.  The 
adjective  "bouncing"  is  certainly  appropriately  applied.  The 
scenes  are  laid  in  four  kingdoms  and  on  the  sea.  Time  and 
space  are  practically  annihilated,  but  the  interest  in  the 
story  and  the  characters  is  continually  sustained.  There  is 
no  lack  of  action  or  of  spirited  dialogue.  Though  abso- 
lutely worthless  and  inaccurate  as  a  presentation  of  historic 
fact,  the  purpose  of  cementing  the  alliance  between  the 
German  princes  and  the  English  nation  was  admirably  sub- 
served. 

Disappointing  in  the  extreme  is  the  absolute  unfamiliarity 
displayed  by  Smith  with  things  German.  Scarcely  a  Ger- 
man word,  phrase,  or  custom  is  hinted  at  in  the  whole  play. 
This  is  all  the  more  disappointing  when  we  consider  the 
manifold  relations,  social,  commercial,  and  literary,  existing 
between  England  and  Germany  in  the  late  sixteenth  and 
early  seventeenth  centuries.  When  we  turn  to  another  play 
of  the  period  very  closely  related  to  the  present  one  in  sub- 
ject matter  and  treatment  we  find  no  such  lack. 

Alphonsus,  Emperour  of  Germany,  ascribed  to  George 
Chapman  on  the  title  page  of  the  quarto  printed  by  Moseley 
in  1645,  w^s  probably  written  some  time  before  the  year 
1613.  Winstanley  attributed  it  to  Peele.  Fleay^^  accepts 
Peele  as  the  author  and  dates  it  circa  1590,  near  the 
revenge  and  conqueror  groups  of  plays,  to  both  of  which  it 
belongs.  Elze^^  puts  it  as  late  as  162 1,  but  his  arguments 
for  this  date  are  altogether  unconvincing.  Fleay's  date  is 
probably  more  nearly  correct ;  at  any  rate,  it  seems  certain 
that  the  play  was  written  before  the  marriage  of  Frederick 
V  to  the  Princess  Eli/^abeth.  The  question  of  authorship 
is  still  an  open  one.'"^^  The  play  is  so  full  of  German 
customs    and    manners    that    it    justifies    Elze's    conclusioi?) 

^Biographical  Chronicle  of  the  English  Drama,  11.   156. 
""See  his  excellent  edition  of  the  play,  Leipzig,  1867. 
"Herford,  Lit.  Rcl.  of  Eng.  and  Gcr.  in  the  i6th  Cent.,  p  172. 


^8  7^/i'--  Palsgrauc. 

that  a  German,  or  one  who  had  Hved  a  long  time  in  Ger- 
many, must  have  at  least  assisted  in  writing  it.^^     Indeed, 
one  character,  Hedewick,  the  heroine  of  the  love  plot,  siDC^ks 
German  throughout,   and  two   "bowrs"    (bauers)    express 
themselves  entirely  in  low  German.     The  play  deals  with 
exactly  the  same  sort  of  historic  material  as  The  Hector  of 
Germany,  though  the  period. treated  is  the  interregnum  of 
the  thirteenth  century,  the  more  exact  date  being  1257,  when 
Richard  Duke  of  Cornwall  was  called  to  be  King  of  the 
Romans.     The  main  theme  is  the  imaginary  struggle  be- 
tween Richard  and  Alphonsus  of  Castile  for  the  imperial 
crown,  and  the  same  disregard  for  fact  and  historic  accu- 
racy is  shown  as  in  The  Hector  of  Germany.     The  char- 
acters in  the  two  plays  are  paralleled  in  almost  very  instance, 
and  w^e  may  safely  assume  that  Alphonsus  was  known  in  gen- 
eral outline  to  the  author  of  our  play,  though  he  by  no  means 
followed  it  closely.   In  both  plays  the  Palsgrave  or  Palatine 
of  the  Rhine  is  a  loyal  friend  to  the  English,  but  in  Alphon- 
sus he  is  not  made  the  central  figure  as  he  is  in  The  Hector 
of  Germany.    The  Spanish  monarch,  Alphonsus  of  Castile, 
is,  in  our  play,  Henry  of  Trastomare;    the  Duke  of  Corn- 
wall is  paralleled  in  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  both  of  whom  rep- 
resent the  English  candidate,  and  both  of  whom  succeed  in 
the  end   in   obtaining   possession   of   the   imperial   throne. 
Saxon  at  first  is  in  favor  of  the  English  claimant,  but  later 
becomes  an  adherent  of  the  party  of  Alphonsus;    in  The 
Hector  of  Germany  he  is  throughout  an  ardent  hater  and 
enemy  of  the  English.     The  Bishop  of  Cologne  is  of  the 
English  party,  while  the  Bishops  of  Mainz  and  Triers  are 
adherents   of  the  Spanish   claimants  in  both  plays.     The 
King  of  Bohemia  and  the  Margrave  of  Brandenburg  side 
with  the  Palsgrave  for  the  English  candidate  in  The  Hector 
of  Germany,  but  take  the  contrary  side  in  Alphonsus.     In 
both  plays  the  Spaniard  succeeds  for  a  time  in  grasping  the 

"See  Elze's  Introduction  to  the  play  for  a  full  account. 


Introduction.  39 

imperial  rule,  but  in  the  end  is  deposed  in  favor  of  the 
English  claimant.  In  Alphonsus  the  revenge  motive  is 
prominent  in  the  development  of  the  plot,  while  in  The 
Hector  of  Germany  the  prime  motive  seems  to  be  the 
apotheosis  of  the  Prince  Elector  of  the  Rhenish  Palatinate. 
The  love  story  of  Prince  Edvi^ard  and  Hedewick  is  paralleled 
in  that  of  young  Fitzwaters  and  Floramel,  though  the  situa- 
tion and  denouement  are  entirely  different. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  two  pieces  run  closely  parallel 
in  the  main  characters,  although  they  are  wide  apart  in 
type  and  general  character  of  style  and  structure.  Alphon- 
sus is  a  grim  and  horrible  tragedy  of  blood  and  revenge, 
and  on  the  whole,  in  spite  of  its  many  repulsive  features,  a 
much  more  powerful  drama  than  the  milder  play  now  under 
consideration.  The  parallels  seem  too  close  to  have  been 
accidental,  but  it  is  perfectly  evident  that  there  is  no  imita- 
tion in  language  or  in  the  minuter  details  of  style  or  struc- 
ture. We  must  conclude  that  if  Smith  knew  the  play,  and 
it  seems  likely  that  he  did,  he  had  merely  seen  it  performed 
and  had  but  a  vague  outline  of  the  more  prominent  char- 
acters in  his  mind  when  he  came  to  write  The  Hector  of 
Germany. 

The  under-plot  of  the  father  and  son  contending  for  the 
same  girl,  if  not  directly  borrowed  from  Chapman's  The 
Gentleman  Usher  (1606),  is  certainly  considerably  influ- 
enced by  that  play.  The  situation  is  exactly  the  same. 
Lasso,  the  father  of  Margaret,  arranges  a  match  between 
her  and  the  Duke  Alphonsus,  the  father  of  Vincentio,  her 
lover.  The  young  people  meet,  however,  and  are  secretly 
made  one  by  a  peculiar  and  most  interesting  priestless  cere- 
mony. The  usher,  Bassiolo,  who  lays  the  plot  for  their 
clandestine  meeting  and  escape,  is  exactly  paralleled  in  the 
Steward  who  assists  young  Fitzwaters  and  Floramel  to 
escape,  though  the  former  character  is  more  humorously 
conceived  and  is  far  more  prominent  in  the  play  to  which 
he  gives  the  title  than  is  the  Steward  in  The  Hector  of  Get- 


40  The  Pals  grail  e. 

many.  The  same  hue  and  cry  is  set  up  for  the  capture  of 
the  runaways  in  both  plays,  but  the  reconcihation  is  some- 
what differently  worked  out.  In  Chapman's  play  the  main 
plot  deals  with  this  situation,  but  in  Smith's  play  it  is  merely 
introduced  in  the  under-plot,  and  this,  of  course,  accounts 
for  many  of  the  differences  of  treatment. 

In  Marston's  Farisit aster,  or  the  Fazvne  (1606)  we  have 
the  plot  of  a  son  wooing  for  the  father  and  being  made  him- 
self a  victim  of  Dulcimel's  charms.  The  father  is  desirous 
of  seeing  his  son  happily  married  and  his  efforts  are  all  in 
this  direction,  so  we  have  in  this  play  an  exactly  opposite 
treatment  of  the  same  general  situation.  Likewise  in  one  of 
Lope  de  Vega's  plays  we  have  a  variation  of  the  situation 
and  purpose;  El  castigo  sin  vengatisa  is  the  tragedy  of  a 
natural  son  who  falls  in  love  with  and  dishonors  his  father's 
beautiful  young  wife.  The  theme  was  later  treated  by  Byron 
in  a  narrative  poem  called  Farisina. 

This  theme  is  worked  out  on  lines  more  nearly  those  of 
The  Hector  of  Germany  in  Moliere's  L'Avare  and  in  several 
of  its  English  imitations,  notably  in  Thomas  Shadwell's  The 
Miser  (1671),  and  in  Henry  Fielding's  play  of  the  same 
title  (1732).  The  plot  is  an  old  one.  In  the  Casino  of 
Plautus  (itself  founded  upon  the  Greek  play  Clerumenae 
(YJ^rjpovfxtvoi  of  Diphius),  an  aged  Athenian,  Stalino,  and 
his  son,  Euthynicus,  fall  in  love  with  a  foundling  carefully 
brought  up  by  the  former's  wife.  In  order  to  get  possession 
of  her  each  of  them  attempts  to  have  her  married  to  one  of 
his  slaves.  The  wife  of  Stalino  naturally  favors  the  son's 
designs,  and  she  uses  the  same  device  to  deceive  her  husband 
as  that  employed  in  The  Hector  of  Germany,  namely,  a  serv- 
ant, disguised  to  represent  the  bride  in  the  ceremony. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  our  author  had  this  comedy  of 
Plautus's  or  some  imitation  of  it  in  his  mind  when  he  com- 
posed the  similar  situation  in  The  Hector  of  Germany.  It 
should  be  mentioned  that  the  ruse  of  marrying  a  disguised 
page  to  an  amorous  old  man  is  the  l^asis  of  the  plot  in 
]onson  s  Epicocne  (1609). 


Iniroduction.  41 

Two  characters  of  the  under-plot,  Lord  Fitzwaters  and 
young  Fitzwaters,  his  son,  suggest  a  comparison  with  the 
characters  of  the  same  name  which  appear  in  Chettle  and 
Munday's  play,  The  Death  of  Robert  Earle  of  Huntington 
(1601).  The  father,  a  noble  old  lord,  had  already  played 
an  important  part  in  Munday's  Downfall  of  Robert  Earle 
of  Huntington  (1601),  first  mentioned  by  Henslowe,  Feb- 
ruary 15,  1599.  The  same  characters  figure  also  in  Robert 
Davenport's  reworking  of  the  material  in  his  King  John  and 
Matilda,  printed  in  1655,  but  written  certainly  before  1639, 
probably  as  early  as  1624.^^  There  is  nothing  comparable  in 
the  treatment  in  our  play  to  the  excellent  portrayal  of  the 
noble  old  father  of  Matilda,  the  Maid  Marian  of  the  Robin 
Hood  legend,  as  found  in  these  plays.  The  name  was,  no 
doubt,  a  familiar  one  to  the  playwrights,  and  Smith  may 
have  appropriated  it  for  his  character  without  having  any 
definite  historical  person  or  any  particular  portrayal  in  mind. 
A  Lord  Fitzwater  appears,  however,  as  a  minor  character 
in  Shakespeare's  Richard  H  (1594),  and  there  are  some 
points  of  similarity  between  this  Fitzwater  and  the  Fitz- 
waters in  Smith's  play,  which  suggests  the  possibility  that  the 
character  may  have  been  modeled  on  Shakespeare's.  In 
a  certain  scene  of  Richard  H,^^  Lord  Fitzwater  shows 
his  hot  temper  and  fearless  bravery  by  throwing  his  glove 
before  Aumerle,  even  though  he  is  not  directly  implicated 
in  the  quarrel.  Several  daring  and  fiery  speeches  are  as- 
signed to  Fitzwater  in  this  scene.  The  only  other  appear- 
ance of  the  character  is  in  V.  6,  where  he  announces  to 
Bolingbroke  his  arrival  from  Oxford  with  the  heads  of 
some  of  Bolingbroke's  enemies.  The  ungoverned  outbursts 
of  temper  on  the  part  of  the  Lord  Fitzwaters  in  The  Hector 
of  Germany  against  his  son  and  against  Lord  Clinton  may 
be  compared  with  the  wild  bravadoes  and  challenges  of  Lord 

"Bullen's  ed.  Davenport's  IVorlcs,  in  Old  Plays,  Nciv  Scries,  III. 
"Act  IV,  I. 


42  The  Paisgraue. 

Fitzwater  in  the  gage  scene ;  and  the  announcement  of  suc- 
cess in  the  overthrow  of  Brandenburg  and  Bohemia  and  the 
rescue  of  Savoy  is  not  unHke  the  announcement  made  by 
Lord  Fitzwater  in  Richard  IL 

VI. 

There  is  not  extant  a  single  piece  of  work,  The  Hector 
of  Germany  being  excepted,  which  can  with  absolute  cer- 
tainty be  assigned  to  Smith.  There  are,  however,  several 
extant  plays  with  which  it  has  been  conjectured  by  various 
critics  that  he  was  in  some  way  connected,  and  it  shall  now 
be  our  task  to  examine  these  plays  and  consider  whatever 
evidence  we  have  been  able  to  collect  which  might  throw 
light  on  these  conjectures. 

Two  entries  in  Henslowe's  account-book,  dated  September 
20  and  30,  1602,  connect  Wentworth  Smith  and  Thomas 
Hey  wood  as  joint  authors  of  a  play  called  by  that  astute- 
obtuse  theatrical  manager  "Marshalle  Oserecke."  Each  of 
the  poets  received  an  equal  share  of  the  usual  price  paid  by 
Henslowe  for  a  new  or  rewritten  play,  so  we  may  surmise 
that  the  work  of  composition  must  likewise  have  been  about 
equally  divided.  The  one  play  of  Heywood's  which  might 
be  identified  with  this  is  The  Royall  King  and  Loyall  Sub- 
ject, first  published  in  quarto  in  1637,  but  written  some 
time  near  the  beginning  of  the  century  as  the  epilogue  writ- 
ten at  the  time  of  the  publication  proves  and  as  the  style  of 
the  play  itself  undoubtedly  shows. ^  Collier^  suggests  that 
Smith  had  a  hand  in  this  play,  and  Fleay^  says  he  feels  sure 
it  is  the  same  as  Marshal  Osrick,  and  even  goes  so  far  as 
to  assign  definite  parts  of  the  original  play  to  Smith,  though 
he  admits  Heywood's  later  revision  of  the  whole  play.    An 

'See  Miss  Tibbals's  edition  of  the  play,  now  in  process  of  publication 
in  this  series. 
^Henslowe's  Diary,  p.  240. 
'Biographical  Chronicle  of  the  English  Drama,  I.  300. 


Introduction.  43 

examination  of  The  Roy  all  King  and  the  evidence  in  Hens- 
lowe  seems  to  show  that  there  is  at  least  a  strong  probability 
that  the  conjecture,  so  far  as  the  original  play  is  concerned, 
is  correct.  In  the  first  place,  there  are  references  in  the 
Diary  to  an  older  play  under  the  receipts  for  "Oserycke," 
February  3  and  7,  iS97-'^  To  increase  his  receipts  at  the  least 
possible  expense  the  old  manager  probably  paid  two  of  his 
men  to  rewrite  or  revise  the  play  in  1602,  and  in  order  to 
make  it  go  well  a  new  title  was  chosen  and  the  name  of  the 
marshal  suppressed,  though  the  bookkeeper,  Henslowe  him- 
self or  his  scribe,  kept  the  original  name  in  the  account 
books.  In  the  second  place,  the  late  publication  of  the  play 
by  Heywood  afforded  an  opportunity  for  him  to  revise  the 
whole  so  that  he  might  be  enabled  without  deception  to 
place  his  name  on  the  title  page  as  sole  author. 

We  may  call  attention  to  a  passage  in  the  Prologue,  un- 
doubtedly written  at  the  time  of  the  first  production  of  the 
play,  which  may  possibly  be  construed  to  indicate  a  double 
authorship.    The  lines  are, 

"No  history 
We  have  left  unrifled,  our  Pens  have  been  dipt 
As  well  in  opening  each  hid  manuscript. 
As  tracts  more  vulgar," 

There  seems  to  be  a  plural  significance  attached  to  the  pro- 
nouns, especially  when  we  consider  the  noun  pens,  but  it 
may  be  questioned  whether  the  application  of  the  passage 
is  to  specific  authors  or  to  the  whole  group  of  dramatic 
writers  of  the  time.  I  should  be  inclined  to  accept  the  first 
of  these  alternatives. 

In  comparing  this  play  with  Tlie  Hector  of  Germany  I 
find  fewer  points  of  similarity  than  are  noted  in  the  com- 
parison of  The  Hector  of  Germany  with  The  fonre  Prentises 

*Henslois.'c's  Diary,  p.  85. 


44  The  Palsgraiie. 

of  London,  which  is  undoubtedly  Heywood's.^  There  are, 
so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  discover,  no  turns  of  phrase- 
ology or  strikingly  peculiar  uses  of  words  common  to  both 
plays.  The  Royall  King,  on  the  whole,  is  much  the  superior 
play,  both  in  construction  and  in  character  drawing-.  There 
are  evidences  of  a  greater  freedom  of  verse  structure,  a  more 
general  frequency  of  rimed  lines  in  some  parts  and  a  style 
of  more  regular  smoothness  and  elegance  in  The  Royall 
King,  though  there  is  a  painful  lack  of  poetic  feeling  and 
imaginative  treatment,  it  seems  to  me,  in  both  plays.  The 
general  treatment  of  subject-matter,  the  slight  connexion 
of  the  under-plot  with  the  main  story,  the  apparent  contra- 
dictions in  the  portrayal  of  some  of  the  characters,  show 
points  of  slight  similarity.  The  introduction  into  both  plays 
of  a  Lord  Clinton  as  a  minor  character  may  be  noted  as  a 
mere  coincidence.  The  evidences  of  a  double  authorship  in 
Th-e  Royall  King  as  it  has  come  down  to  us  are  very  slight. 
Fleay*^  argues  that  this  play  was  revived  and  rewritten  by 
Heywood  about  1633,  at  the  time  of  the  production  of 
Fletcher's  Loyall  Subject,  and  all  parts  originally  written 
by  Smith,  namely,  I,  i,  2,  3,  4,  5 ;  II,  2;  V,  i,  were  re- 
written in  smoother  verse  and  with  notable  absence  of  rime 
as  compared  with  the  other  parts  of  the  play,  which  were 
only  revised  with  an  occasional  change  made  to  bring  the 
old  rimed  lines  into  closer  accord  with  the  later  fashion  of 
"strong  lines."  The  definite  assignment  of  parts  of  a  play 
to  one  of  several  collaborators  is  at  best  a  dubious  matter, 
and  in  this  case  it  seems  altogether  futile.  We  must  con- 
clude that  none  of  Smith's  writing  is  discernible  in  the  play 
as  we  have  it.  though  it  seems  to  me  quite  possible  that 
Marshal  Osrick  was  in  some  form  the  original  of  The  Royall 
King  and  Loyall  Subject. 

''See  below,  p.  47. 

'Biogral^hical  Chronicle  of  the  English  Drama.  I.  300. 


Introduction.  45 

In  Henslowe's  Diary^  is  the  following  item :  "Layd  owt 
for  the  Company,  the  3  setmbr  1602  to  bye  iiij  lances  for 
the  comody  of  Thomas  Hewodes  and  Mr  Smythes,  some 
of viij  s.,"  and  immediately  following  this,  on  Sep- 
tember 4,  an  item  of  twenty-seven  shillings,  eight  pence  for 
a  silk  flag,  probably  for  the  same  play.  The  next  entry 
records  full  payment  for  a  book  by  Heywood  and  Smith 
called  "Albert  Galles."^  Collier®  suggests  that  this  entry 
refers  to  The  foure  Prcntises  of  London,  the  only  extant 
edition  of  which  was  printed  in  161 5.  The  foundation  on 
which  the  suggestion  rests  is  merely  the  woodcut  of  the 
four  brothers  with  their  long  lances  or  pikes  and  the  many 
references  to  their  tossing  their  weapons  in  the  text  of  the 
play.  Ward^°  thought  Collier's  conjecture  was  highly  prob- 
able. Fleay,^^  however,  seems  to  make  out  a  clear  case  for 
an  earlier  edition^^  published  some  time  about  1610,  and 
then,  counting  the  play  back  sixteen  years,  according  to 
Heywood's  own  statement  as  to  the  time  of  composition  in 
the  dedication,  dates  it  1594  and  identifies  it  with  the  second 
part  of  Godfrey  of  Bulloigne,  mentioned  by  Henslowe  July 
19  of  that  year.  There  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  this  is 
correct,  for  it  is  certain  that  Heywood  began  his  career  in 
London  about  the  date  assigned  to  this  play,  and  his  state- 
ment that  it  was  written  "many  years  since  in  my  infancy 
of  judgment  in  this  kinde  of  poetry,  and  my  first  practice," 
confirms  the  accuracy  of  Fleay's  date.  Moreover,  the  facts 
that  Godfrey  and  his  three  brothers  are  the  heroes  of  the 
play  and  that  in  the  end  he  is  decorated  with  the  crown  of 

'P.  238. 

'See  also  the  discussion  below  in  connection  with  the  play  of  Nobody 
and  Somebody,  p.  48. 

'Henslowe's  Diary,  p.  238. 

^"History  of  English  Dramatic  Literature,  II.  559. 

^^Biographical  Chronicle  of  the  English  Drama,  I.  282. 

"Cf.  Knight  of  the  Burning  Pestle  (published  1613,  acted  1610),  IV. 
ii,  "Read  the  play  of  The  Four  Prentices,  where  they  toss  their  pikes  so." 


46  The  Pahgraue. 

thorns  "since  Syon  and  lerusalem  are  wonne,"  and  that 
both  this  play  and  the  Godfrey  of  Bulloigne,.  which  is  en- 
tered in  the  Stationers'  Register  June  19,  1594^  by  S.  R. 
for  J.  Danter,  have  the  sub-title,  "With  the  Conquest  of 
Jerusalem,"  seem  to  settle  the  question  beyond  all  reason- 
able doubt.  Thus  Collier's  conjecture  is  completely  vitiated, 
and  we  may  conclude  positively  that  Smith  had  nothing 
whatever  to  do  with  the  writing  of  The  foure  Prentises  of 
London. 

A  close  examination  of  this  play  in  connection  with  The 
Hector  of  Germany,  however,  seems  to  prove  clearly  that 
the  extremely  popular  Foure  Prentises  exerted  a  potent  in- 
fluence on  our  author,  both  as  regards  style  and  manner  of 
treatment.  The  handling  of  historic  fact  is  practically  iden- 
tical in  the  two  plays.  The  time  of  the  action  of  The  foure 
Prentises  is  about  1087.  The  scene  opens  at  London,  but  is 
shifted  to  Ireland,  France,  Italy,  in  fact,  all  over  Europe, 
and  finally  is  rounded  out  in  Asia  at  the  old  Jewish  capital, 
Jerusalem.  The  four  apprentices  escape  from  their  masters, 
join  Robert  of  Normany  on  a  voyage  to  the  Holy  Land,  are 
shipwrecked  and  separated.  They  all  reach  land,  but, 
strangely  enough,  as  far  apart  as  from  Ireland  to  Italy. 
Each  makes  his  way  toward  Jerusalem,  and  the  adventures 
that  befall  the  travelers  make  up  the  main  part  of  the  play. 
Tancred,  an  Italian  Prince,  is  called  County  Palatine,  and 
thus  we  have  two  coincidences  in  names,  Robert  of  Nor- 
mandy and  this  County  Palatine,  suggesting  Robert  the  Pala- 
tine of  the  Rhine.  The  violent  distortions  of  history  in- 
volved are  excused  in  the  prologue,  where  one  of  the  three 
speakers  in  answer  to  the  question  as  to  what  authority  he 
has  for  the  history  replies,  "Our  Authority  is  a  Manuscript, 
a  Booke  writ  in  parchment,  which  not  being  publicke,  nor 
gcnerall  in  the  World,  we  rather  thought  fit  to  exemplifie 
vnto  the  publicke  censure,  things  concealed  and  obscur'd, 
such  as  are  not  common  with  euery  one,  than  such  Historical! 
Tales  as  euery  one  can  tell  by  the  fire  in  Winter."  The  author 


Introduction.  47 

of  The  Hector  of  Germany  might  well  have  claimed  to  have 
used  "a  manuscript,  a  book  writ  in  parchment — not  being 
public  nor  general  in  the  world." 

The  verse  of  our  play  does  not  rise  above  the  level  of  the 
riming  lines  of  The  foure  Prentises.  On  the  whole  the 
average  excellence  of  the  style  of  Heywood's  play  is  superior 
to  that  0/  The  Hector  of  Germany.  At  times  there  seems 
to  be  a  rather  close  imitation  of  the  style  and  even  of  phrase- 
ology of  Heywood's  play  in  The  Hector  of  Germany.  The 
constant  use  of  classical  names  and  illustrations  is  common 
to  both  plays.  Many  verbal  similarities  might  be  noted,  but 
it  may  be  sufficient  to  quote  two  passages  which  seem  to 
show  evidences  of  possible  unconscious  imitation  or  direct 
borrowing. 

Neuer  be  from  her,  in  her  bosome  dwell. 
To  make  her  presence  heauen,  her  absence  hell. 
The  foure  Prentises  of  London   (Heywood's  Works,  ed. 
1874,  n.  180). 

Thou  shalt  not  leaue  me,  but  for  euer  dwell 
Where  I  abide,  thy  absence  is  my  hell. 

The  Hector  of  Germany,  11.  1545-6. 

Eustace.    I  am  here ;  stand  thou  forth  on  the  aduerse  part : 
Suruey  me  well,  braue  Hector  I  resemble. 
Whose  very  brow  did  make  the  Greekes  to  tremble. 
Guy.    But  I  Achilles,  proud  ambitious  boy, 
Will  drag  thy  coarse  about  the  Wals  of  Troy. 
Giue  me  thy  Pike,  He  tosse  it  like  a  reed, 
And  with  this  bul-rush  make  mine  enemy  bleed. 

{They  tosse  their  pikes.) 
The  foure  Prentises  of  London   (Heywood's  Words,   ed. 
1874,  H.  230). 


48  The  Palsgraue. 

And  see  how  brauely  eiiery  Leader  rides, 

Pliini'd  from  the  Beauer  to  the  Saddle  bowe, 

Whilst  the  bold  Souldier  makes  his  lofty  pike 

Stretch  in  the  Ayre  with  tossing  it  aloft. 

Brauely  done  fellow  :  that  tricke  once  againe, 

And  there's  gold  for  thy  paines ;   hee  fights  like  Hector , 

Whilst  at  his  feet  th'amazed  Grecians  fall, 

And  though  Achilles  would  renew  the  Field, 

He  dares  not  doo't,  the  enemies  so  strong. 

The  Hector  of  Germany,  11.  208-16. 

Fleay's  conjecture  that  Albert  Galles^^  is  Henslowe's  mis- 
take for  some  title  like  'Archigalle's  three  sons'  and  that  this 
play  is  to  be  identified  with  Nobody  and  Somebody,  with  the 
true  Chronicle  Historic  of  Elydure,  published  anonymously 
and  without  date  but  registered  in  1606  by  S.  R.  for  J. 
Trundle,  leads  us  to  a  consideration  of  this  play.  Fleay 
unhesitatingly  assigns  it  to  Heywood  on  the  single  piece  of 
evidence  that  the  unusual  spelling  "ey"  for  "ay"  or  "F'  is 
used ;  this  he  says  is  a  peculiarity  of  Heywood's  not  shared 
by  any  other  w-riter  of  the  time.  There  are,  however,  other 
and  weightier  reasons  for  the  connection  of  Heywood's 
name  with  this  play.  The  title-page  announces  that  the  text 
is  a  "true  copy  as  it  hath  been  acted  by  the  Queens  Maiesties 
Seruants"  and  Heywood  was  about  the  time  of  the  date  of 
the  registration  of  the  play  connected  with  this  company. 
The  fact  that  Heywood's  name  does  not  appear  on  the  title- 
page  and  the  absence  of  the  address  to  the  reader  and  the 
dedication  usually  prefixed  by  him  when  he  personally  super- 
vised the  publication  of  one  of  his  works  would  indicate  that 
this  pirated  edition  was  made  from  one  of  Heywood's  own 
manuscript  copies  surreptitiously  obtained  from  some  mem- 
ber of  the  company.  We  must  not,  however,  neglect  to  say 
that  the  satirical  character  of  the  play  would  be  sufficient 

"See  p.  45,  above. 


Introduction.  49 

reason  for  the  suppression  of  these  introductory  matters  and 
the  author's  name.  There  are  evidences  of  revision  made 
after  March  19,  1604,  the  date  when  James  assumed  the  title 
of  King  of  Great  Britain,  for  in  several  places  the  form  used 
in  the  older  edition,  "King-  of  England,"  has  escaped  the  eye 
of  the  reviser.  A  very  definite  satirical  allusion  to  the  whole- 
sale creation  of  knights  in  the  first  year  of  James's  reign, 
when  even^'Nobody  made  dainty  to  be  knighted, "^^  shows 
that  the  final  revision  was  made  at  least  as  late  as  1604.  But 
Fleay^^  says  the  earlier  play  may  have  been  written  in  1602 
by  Heywood  and  Smith,  and  the  references  in  Henslowe  to 
Alberte  Galles  are  to  this  version. 

Nobody  and  Somebody  shows  very  decided  evidences  of 
double  authorship.  The  comic  and  satirical  parts  in  which 
the  prominent  characters  are  the  Clown  and  Nobody  and 
Somebody  are  easily  separable  from  the  other  scenes. 
Fleay^*^  counts  fourteen  scenes  and  assignes  scenes  3,  5,  6, 
10,  12,  13,  and  a  share  in  i  and  14,  to  Smith.  There  are 
only  twelve  scenes  in  the  play,  however,  and  as  Fleay  does 
not  account  for  seven  and  eight  we  may  consider  his  error 
a  misprint  or  an  oversight.  Besides  the  Prologue  and 
Epilogue  the  lines  thus  assigned  to  Heywood  are,  99-166; 
734-853;  1 105-1236;  1499-1573,  1770-1983;  a  total  of 
850  lines  or  about  half  of  the  play.  From  the  entries  in 
Henslowe,  dated  September  4,  1602,  we  learn  that  Smith 
and  Heywood  receive  in  one  payment  six  pounds  for  Alberte 
Galles,  and  on  September  3  and  4  are  the  items  regarding 
the  four  lances  and  the  silk  flag.^'^  Collier's  conjecture  that 
these  four  lances  were  for  The  foure  Prentises  of  London  is, 
as  we  have  seen,  altogether  untenable.  The  four  lances  and 
the  flag  would  not  be  out  of  place  in  Nobody  and  Somebody, 
for  we  have  four  brothers  of  an  early  English  royal  family 

"Line  ^27  in  Simpson's  reprint  in  The  School  of  Shakspere,  I.  273. 
^''Biographical  Chronicle  of  the  English  Drama,  I.  294. 
"Simpson's  edition  in  The  School  of  Shakspere,  I.  273ff. 
"See  p.  48. 


50  The  Palsgraue. 

ill  the  play,  and  they  would  need  some  kind  of  weapon  or 
insignia  to  distinguish  their  rank.  Moreover,  there  is  a 
stage  direction  of  "Enter  drum  and  coiilors,"  which  suggests 
the  necessity  of  a  flag ;  and  the  fighting^^  was  very  probably 
done  with  lances,  though  that  weapon  is  nowhere  men- 
tioned in  the  play.  We  may  conclude  then  that  Fleay's 
conjecture  is  a  very  likely  one,  and  we  have  in  the  extant 
play  of  Nobody  and  Somebody  some  of  Wentworth  Smith's 
work,  though  probably  in  a  slightly  revised  form. 

Under  the  circumstances,  no  absolutely  conclusive  deduc- 
tions can  be  drawn  from  a  comparison  of  the  parts  of  the 
play  assigned  by  Fleay  to  Smith  with  The  Hector  of  Ger- 
many, but  the  results  are,  nevertheless,  almost  convincing. 
Striking  similarities  of  style  and  diction  and  general  methods 
of  procedure  meet  the  reader  on  every  hand.  A  large  num- 
ber of  parallel  phrases  and  similar  uses  of  words  could  be 
collected,  but  such  a  task  seems  useless.  More  definite  ideas 
of  the  similarities  of  the  styles  of  writing  in  the  two  plays 
can  be  had  from  two  short  passages  than  from  long  lists 
of  verbal  coincidences.  I  select  passages  of  soliloquy  for 
comparison. 

I  was  a  King,  but  now  I  am  a  slave. 

How  happie  were  I  in  this  base  estate 

If  I  had  neuer  tasted  royaltie ! 

But  the  remembrance  that  I  was  a  king, 

Unseasons  the  content  of  povertie. 

I  heare  the  hunters  musicke ;  heere  He  lie 

To  keepe  me  out  of  sight  till  they  pass  by. 

Nobody  and  Somebody,  11.  854-60.^' 

Since  I  was  cast  Upon  this  fatall  Rocke, 
And  saw  my  Loue  disseuered  by  the  wanes, 

"See  lines  1619  and  1694  of  Simpson's  edition. 
"Simpson's  edition  in  The  School  of  Shaksperc,  I.  273ff. 


Introduction.  51 

And  my  kinde  Stewart  in  the  Ocean  drownd, 
Here  haue  I  liu'd,  fed  onely  with  raw  Fish 
Such  as  the  Sea  yeelds :  and  each  Shippe  I  see 
(As  dayly  there  are  some  furrow  this  way) 
I  call  vnto  for  ayde,  but  nere  the  neere. 

The  Hector  of  Germany,  11.  1306-12. 

The  only  other  extant  play  in  which  Wentworth  Smith 
may  have  had  a  hand  is  The  Famous  History  of  Sir  Thomas 
Wyatt,  which  was  first  published  in  what  seems  to  be  an 
abridged  form  in  1607,  with  the  names  of  "Thomas  Dickers 
and  lohn  Webster"  on  the  title-page.  In  Henslozve^'^  are 
three  entries,  dated  October  15,  21,  27,  1602,  on  two  plays 
called  by  him  Ladye  Jane,  and  2  pt  of  Ladye  Jane.  Five 
poets,  Dekker,  Heywood,  Smith,  Webster,  and  Chettle,  were 
employed  on  this  rush  order.  The  extraordinarily  large 
sum  of  eight  pounds  was  paid  for  the  first  part,  which  was 
written,  as  it  seems  from  the  entries,  in  less  than  a  week 
and  put  on  the  stage  in  less  than  two  weeks,  if  we  may 
assume,  as  was  usually  the  case,  that  the  second  part  was 
not  demanded  until  after  the  successful  appearance  of  the 
first.  Whether  Dekker  ever  wrote  the  second  part  for  which 
he  was  paid  five  shillings  "in  earnest"  is  a  matter  of  doubt. 
Henslowe  does  not  mention  it  again  and  Dekker  was  imme- 
diately employed  on  another  play,  Christmas  Comes  hut 
Once  a  Year,  with  Heywood,  Chettel,  and  Webster. 

The  play  as  it  survives  is  a  short  one,  but  it  covers  in 
a  partial  way  the  whole  of  the  short  period  of  the  unfor- 
tunate Queen  Jane's  public  life.  Dyce  says  that  it  is  im- 
possible to  tell  whether  the  abridged  form  in  which  the 
play  has  come  down  to  us  was  made  by  the  authors  whose 
names  appear  on  the  first  and  second  quartos  or  by  some 
other  playwright.  Rev.  J.  Mitford  is  rather  severe  in 
his  criticism  of  this  play.^^ 

"Page  242. 

^^Gentleman's  MaRazinc,  June,   1893,  p.   191. 


5-2 


The  Pals^raue. 


There  are  so  far  as  I  can  see  no  traces  of  similarity  of 
style  or  treatment  between  any  part  of  this  play  and  The 
Hector  of  Germany.  The  Famous  History,  although  an 
abridged  piece  of  work  as  we  have  it.  is  nevertheless  char- 
acterized by  a  unity  of  design  and  workmanship.  The  play 
is  one  of  notable  merit,  and  so  far  outclasses  our  play 
as  to  force  the  conclusion  that  if  Went  worth  Smith  had  any 
part  in  its  composition  every  trace  of  it  has  been  effaced  in 
the  version  which  has  survived. 

VII. 

The  final  question  to  which  we  turn  our  attention  is  the 
possible  connection  of  W.  Smith  with  the  three  plays,  which 
appeared  at  various  dates  during  Shakespeare's  activity  in 
the  London  theatrical  world,  wnth  the  initials  "W.  S."  on  the 
title-pages.  These  plays  are  Locrine,  Lord  Cromzuell,  and 
The  Puritaine.  They  were  printed  as  Shakespeare's  in  the 
third  folio,  but  they  have  been  universally  rejected  by  Eng- 
lish and  American  critics,  though  some  of  the  Germans 
contended  for  a  time  that  they  were  genuine,  and  even  w^ent 
so  far  in  certain  instances  as  to  say  that  they  were  examples 
of  Shakespeare's  best  and  maturest  work.^ 

Of  these  plays  Locrine  is  now  generally  accepted  as  the 
work  of  George  Peele.^.  IMoreover,  it  is  so  early  a  play, 
having  been  registered  1594  and  perhaps  produced  consid- 
erably earlier,  that  it  could  hardly  be  assigned  to  our  author, 
who  seems  to  have  begun  his  career  as  a  collaborator  with 
the  group  of  writers  working  for  the  Admiral's  men  in  1601. 

The  second  play  of  the  group,  Tlie  True  Chronicle  His- 
tory of  the  Whole  Life  and  Death  of  Thomcis  Lord  Crom- 
rvell,  was  not  published  so  far  as  is  known  until  161 3, 
although  it  was  entered  in  the  Stationers'  books  as  early  as 
1602.    The  initials  on  the  title-page  and  the  statement  that 

'Schlegel,  Dramturgischc  Vorlcsungen,  ed.  Leipzig,  1846,  II,  308. 


Introduction.  53 

the  play  was  "acted  by  the  Kings  Majesties  Seruants"  prob- 
ably led  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  by  Shakespeare  and 
induced  the  publishers  of  the  third  folio  to  include  it  as  a 
genuine  work.  It  is  unnecessary  to  enter  here  into  the 
reasons  for  rejecting  the  play  from  the  list  of  Shakespeare's 
works,  nor  does  it  seem  worth  while  to  give  an  analysis  of 
the  plot,  since  the  play  is  so  well  known  and  has  so  many 
times  been  reprinted.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  it  is  of  the 
biographical  chronicle  type  and  covers  the  life  of  Thomas 
Cromwell  from  his  boyhood  in  his  father's  blacksmith  shop 
to  his  death  in  the  Tower  of  London.  The  scene  shifts  from 
the  vicinity  of  London  to  Antwerp  and  to  Florence  and 
Bononia  (Bologna)  and  back  to  England.  Twice  in  the 
play  the  device  of  the  chorus  is  used  to  sum  up  the  less 
important  events  in  the  hero's  life,  and  while  this  is  not  in 
itself  an  absolute  indication  of  an  early  date  of  composition, 
there  are  other  peculiarities  of  style  and  treatment  as  well 
as  of  matter  which  seem  to  point  to  some  date  before  1602 
as  the  probable  date  of  the  first  production.  Professor 
Schelling^  argues  for  1592,  the  date  assigned  by  Ulrici  as 
the  probable  time  of  the  writing  and  first  appearance  of  this 
play.  He  suggests  frequency  of  rime,  the  mannerism  by 
which  a  character  often  speaks  of  himself  in  the  third  per- 
son, and  the  non-appearance  of  King  Henry  among  the 
dramatis  personcc,  as  indications  of  an  early  date.  The 
arguments  are  not  altogether  conclusive  since  rime  was 
used,  especially  by  minor  authors,  quite  late  into  the  new 
century,  as  witness,  for  example,  the  present  play ;  a  man- 
nerism such  as  the  use  of  the  third  person  in  soliloquy  might 
be  repeated  at  any  time ;  and  finally  the  non-appearance  of 
King  Henry  may  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  the  author's 
purpose  was  to  portray  the  life  and  character  of  his  hero, 

*Cf  Ward,  II,  220;  Fleay,  II,  320;  Schelling,  The  English  Chronicle 
Play,  p.  25 ;  cf.  also  W.  S.  Gaud  in  a  recent  exhaustive  argument  in 
Modern  Philology,  January,  1904. 

*The  English  Chronicle  Play,  p.  216. 


54  The  Palsgraue. 

and  if  the  king  had  been  introduced  the  interest  would 
naturally  have  centered  in  him.  Considerable  skill  is  shown 
in  making  the  king  the  dynamic  force  in  parts  of  the  action 
without  intruding  him  in  the  play.  Cardinal  Wolsey  is 
introduced  once  or  twice,  and  the  author  seemed  to  think  it 
necessary  to  crave  the  indulgence  of  the  audience  for  the 
omission  of  the  life  of  so  important  a  man, 

"Because  our  play  depends  on  Cromwell's  death." 

There  are  strong  reasons  for  allowing  the  date  of  regis- 
tration to  mark  the  date  of  composition.  We  learn  from 
Henslowe  that  during  1601  and  1602  the  Admiral's  men 
were  performing  several  plays  on  subjects  connected  with 
events  and  characters  of  Henry  the  VIII's  time.*  Lord 
Cromzvell  purports  to  have  been  acted  by  the  King's  ser- 
vants, which  would,  of  course,  refer  in  1602  to  the  Chamber- 
lain's men,  and  it  seems  quite  probable  that  this  was  one  of 
the  rival  plays  of  the  group  running  at  this  time.  It  may 
have  been  based  on  an  older  play,  and  for  this  reason  may 
have  retained  some  of  the  characteristics  of  earlier  composi- 
tions. In  the  absence  of  any  absolute  proof  to  the  contrary, 
we  may  be  justified  in  considering  the  later  date  as  the  cor- 
rect one,  and  on  this  conclusion  we  may  advance  to  a  con- 
sideration of  Wentworth  Smith's  claims  to  its  authorship. 
The  only  point  of  external  evidence  in  support  of  such  a 
claim  is  of  the  most  doubtful  kind,  namely,  the  possible 
identity  of  the  initials  "W.  S."  with  his  name.  On  the  other 
hand,  a  strong  piece  of  external  evidence  against  his  author- 
ship is  the  statement  that  the  play  was  acted  by  the  King's 
men.  It  seems  very  unlikely  that  Smith,  a  mere  collaborator, 
or,  as  Fleay^  says,  'novice,'  regularly  employed  in  Hens- 
lowe's  service  writing  for  the  Admiral's  men,  should  at  the 

*Cf.  /  and  2  Cardinal  Wolsey,  and  /  and  3  Lady  Jane,  Henslowe's 
Diary,  pp.  igSff,  and  242flF. 
*Life  and  Works  of  Shakespeare,  p.  292. 


Introduction.  55 

same  time  be  making  plays  independently  for  the  Chamber- 
lain's men.  But  if  the  "W.  S."  was  a  deliberate  forgery  for 
the  purpose  of  fathering  the  play  on  Shakespeare,  the  state- 
ment that  the  play  was  acted  by  the  King's  servants  may 
likewise  be  a  fabrication.  This  would  bring  us,  however, 
no  nearer  the  solution  of  the  question  of  authorship. 

The  latest  editor  of  Lord  Cromwell,  Mr.  T.  Evan  Jacob," 
in  his  introduction  to  the  play  says,  "There  is  no  reason  to 
doubt  that  the  author  of  our  play  was  Wentworth  Smith,  a 
poet  of  considerable  ability,  who  wrote  other  dramas,  such 
as  the  Puritan,  or  Widow  of  Watling  Street,  and  The  Hector 
of  Germany,  besides  The  Life  and  Death  of  Thomas  Lord 
Cromwell."  Mr.  Jacob  gives  no  reasons  for  his  uncondi- 
tional assignment  of  the  three  plays  to  Wentworth  Smith, 
but  his  edition  was  confessedly  prepared  for  "the  million," 
and  this  may  account  for  the  total  absence  of  technical 
criticism.  Fleay'''  is  of  the  opinion  that  Drayton  wrote  the 
play,  but  Dr.  Lemuel  Whitaker  thinks  this  extremely  doubt- 
ful.® Hazlitt^  thought  it  was  an  attempt  to  palm  the  play 
off  as  a  sequel  to  Shakespeare's  Henry  VIII.  He  suggests 
no  author.  Farmer  attributed  the  authorship  to  Hey- 
wood.  Fleay,  as  stated  above,  ascribes  the  play  to  Drayton, 
but  in  another  place,  ^°  in  arguing  that  the  play  is  not  Went- 
worth Smith's,  he  adds,  "If  W.  S.  are  authentic  initials,  W. 
Sly  is  the  more  likely  claimant." 

The  comparison  of  this  play  with  The  Hector  of  Germany 
is  barren  of  positive  C9nclusions,  but  the  results  of  the  in- 
vestigation are  not  devoid  of  interest.  One  cannot  read  the 
two  plays  without  being  struck  with  points  of  similarity  of 
style,  of  diction,  of  characterization  and  of  a  general  bal- 

*Old  English  Dramas,  London,  1889. 
'I.  152  and  160. 

*See  his  dissertation,  Michael  Drayton  as  a  Dramatist,  printed  in  the 
Publications  of  the  Modern  Language  Association,  1903,  p.  409. 
*The  Doubtful  Plays  of  Shakespeare,  p.  166. 
^*Life  and  Works  of  Shakespeare,  p.  299. 


56  The  Palsgraue. 

lancing  of  defects  and  excellences,  and  yet  there  are,  so  far 
as  I  can  make  out,  absolutely  no  tangible  or  convincing 
points  upon  which  to  base  a  positive  conclusion  of  identity 
of  authorship.  Moreover,  the  divergences  in  style  and 
structure  are  about  as  many  and  as  prominent  as  the  sim- 
ilarities. In  applying  the  ordinary  verse  tests  we  find  that 
rimes  are  somewhat  more  frequent  in  the  older  play,  the 
percentage  being  about  fourteen  in  Lord  Cromwell  and 
about  eight  in  The  Hector  of  Gennany;  the  run-on  lines  are 
slightly  more  frequent  in  the  latter  play,  the  percentage 
being  seven,  as  compared  with  four  in  Lord  Cromwell; 
while  as  regard  the  feminine  endings,  the  proportion  is  prac- 
tically equal,  the  average  being  about  seven  in  one  hundred 
in  both  plays.  The  tone  of  the  verse  is  not  dissimilar.  The 
monotonous  regularity  of  the  count  of  syllables,  the  frequent 
wrenching  of  logical  stress  to  meet  the  requirements  of  verse 
stress,  the  large  percentage  of  end-stopped  lines,  are  points 
common  to  both.  There  is  a  much  larger  proportion  of 
monosyllabic  words  in  the  older  play,  whole  lines,  indeed, 
even  as  many  as  three  successive  lines,  being  made  up  of 
such  words,  while  in  The  Hector  of  Germany  even  one  such 
line  is  of  rare  occurrence. 

When  we  come  to  compare  the  general  methods  of  treat- 
ment of  subject  matter  we  find  again  the  impression  borne 
in  upon  us  that  one  author  might  have  written  both  plays, 
but  again  the  arguments  are  not  convincing.  The  handling 
of  historic  fact  is  not  widely  different  in  the  two  plays, 
though  there  is  an  appearance  of  a  much  closer  adherence 
to  the  chronicles  and  especially  to  Foxe's  Book  of  Martyrs, 
the  immediate  source  of  Lord  Cromzvell,  and  perhaps  neces- 
sarily so,  as  the  subject  is  much  nearer  in  time  and  a  much 
more  familiar  one  to  the  English  public  than  that  treated  in 
The  Hector  of  GermaAy.  The  author  of  this  play  does  not 
hesitate  to  ascribe  to  Cromwell  offices  which  he  never  held 
and  to  suppress  all  the  unfavorable  facts  in  his  hero's  life. 
To  make  a  hero  of  this  man  who  gained  his  position  of 


Introduction.  57 

eminence  only  by  a  slavish  readiness  to  pander  to  the  despotic 
will  of  his  master  is  perhaps  as  violent  a  wrenching  of  his- 
tory as  the  distorted  and  inaccurate  mixing  of  dates  and  the 
fictitious  events  described  in  The  Hector  of  Germany.  In 
spite  of  the  centralization  of  the  interest  in  the  life  of  Crom- 
well, the  loose  manner  in  which  irrelevant  and  unnecessary 
incidents  are  introduced  seriously  injures  the  unity  of  the 
play.  The  story  of  the  merchant  Banister  and  his  wife,  and 
of  the  envious  and  unprincipled  Bagot  and  the  merciful  and 
generous-hearted  Frescobald,  while  interesting  enough  in 
themselves,  are  not  at  all  necessary  to  the  plot,  and  might  be 
removed  from  the  play  as  easily  as  the  love-plot  forming 
the  under-plot  in  The  Hector  of  Germany.  The  precipitous 
and  unnatural  haste  with  which  the  concluding  scenes  are 
worked  out  in  each  play  betrays  a  similar  characteristic  of 
authorship.  The  general  feebleness  of  the  characterization 
and  the  weakness  displayed  in  the  portrayal  of  the  minor 
personages  is  about  evenly  balanced  in  both  plays.  The 
humor  of  the  older  play  is  much  superior  to  that  of  the  later 
one.  Hodge,  the  smith,  attendant  on  Cromwell  in  his  travels, 
is  a  course,  rough  fellow,  but  never  indecent.  The  character, 
even  if  drawn  on  broad  and  coarse  lines,  is  not  without  a 
touch  of  genuine  humor. 

On  the  whole  Lord  Cromzvell  is  somewhat  the  superior 
play,  though  not  so  greatly  so  as  to  preclude  the  possibility 
of  one  author's  having  written  both  plays.  Taking  all  the 
evidence  into  consideration,  we  must,  however,  conclude  that 
the  author  of  The  Hector  of  Germany  did  not  write  Lord 
Cromwell.  The  similarities  of  style  and  general  manner  may 
be  sufficiently  accounted  for  by  the  general  influences  and 
literary  habits  of  the  time,  and  the  differences  of  manner  and 
treatment  and  the  external  evidence  seem  to  be  of  sufficient 
weight  to  justify  the  above  conclusion. 

The  third  play  of  this  group,  The  Puritaine,  or  the  IVid- 
dozv  of  Watling  Streete,  Acted  by  the  Children  of  Panics, 


58  The  Palsgraue. 

Written  by  IV.  S.  (1607),  is  an  amusing  imitation  of  the 
Jonsonian  comedy  of  manners,  showing  several  marked 
features  of  resemblance  to  Bartholomew  Fair,  though  Jon- 
son's  play  is  of  a  later  date.  The  Puritaine  satirizes  severely 
the  text-quoting,  literal-minded,  religious  fanatic,  and  inci- 
dentally takes  a  laugh  at  the  haste  with  which  the  weeping 
w'idow  falls  into  the  arms  of  the  first  boasting  vagabond  that 
presents  himself.  George  Pyeboard,  a  combination  of 
scholar,  clown,  and  knave,  is  the  dynamic  element  of  the 
play,  and  it  is  generally  believed,  and  it  would  seem,  upon 
sufficient  evidence,  that  the  character  is  modeled  on  George 
Peele,  who,  as  is  well  known,  lived  a  profligate  life  and  was 
often  put  to  such  shifts  as  Pyeboard  is  made  to  invent  in 
the  course  of  the  play.  The  very  name  "Pyeboard"  suggests 
an  equivocation  on  peel,  a  baker's  shovel  or  board  for  shov- 
ing pies  and  cakes  into  the  oven.  The  amusing  escape  of 
Pyeboard  from  the  officers  of  the  law  is  based  on  an  actual, 
experience  of  Peek's. 

Hazlitt^^  supposes  this  piece  to  have  been  written  by  Wil- 
liam Smith,  to  whom  he  also  ascribes  The  Hector  of  Ger- 
many and  Freeman's  Honour.  Fleay^^  argues  that  the 
"Written  by  W.  S."  is  an  equivocation  for  'concerning  Wil- 
liam Shakespeare.'  This  is  one  of  Fleay's  characteristically 
ingenious  conjectures,  and  his  argument  that  the  purport 
of  the  play  was  to  travesty  Shakespeare's  work  likewise 
rests  on  little  or  no  foundation.  He  produces  some  un- 
convincing parallels  in  support  of  this  theory  and  then  as- 
signs the  play  to  Middleton.  "Any  one,"  he  says,  "who  has 
read  Middleton  will  not  hesitate  for  a  moment.  The  whole 
style,  plot,  and  metre  is  his.  The  play  cannot  possibly  be 
attributed  to  Day,  Webster,  or  Beaumont,  the  only  other 
author  then  writing  for  these  boys."  It  has  been  suggested 
that  the  Puritan  Maid,  Modest  Wife,  and  Wanton  Widow, 

^Doubtful  Plays  of  Shakespeare,  p.  249. 
"Biographical  Chronicle  of  the  English  Drama,  II,  93, 


Introduction.  59 

by  Thomas  Middleton,  one  of  the  lost  Warburton  manu- 
scripts, is  identical  with  this  play,  but  this  seems  very  un- 
likely. Ward^^  quotes  Dyce's  opinion  that  the  Puritaine 
was  written  by  Wentworth  Smith,  "an  industrious  play- 
wright fortunate  in  his  initials." 

The  comedy  is  written  in  prose  with  what  we  must  call 
an  occasional  descent  into  a  lame  sort  of  partly  rimed  and 
partly  unrimed  decasyllabics.    There  are  about  one  hundred 
and  fifty  lines  of  verse  in  all.    A  comparison  of  any  one  hun- 
dred of  these  with  a  like  number  from  either  Lord  Cromwell 
or  The  Hector  of  Germany  shows  plainly  that  some  more 
facile  writer  than  the  author  of  either  of  these  plays  wrote 
this  comedy.    It  cannot  be  said  that  there  is  any  great  poetry  in 
the  verses,  but  there  certainly  is  more  freedom  and  smooth- 
ness.   A  count  of  the  run-on  lines  and  of  the  feminine  end- 
ings shows  the  large  average  of  twenty  and  twenty-two  per 
cent,  respectively,  while  the  riming  lines  are  about  twenty- 
five  per  cent.     Aside  from  these  mechanical  verse-tests  the 
comedy  displays  an  originality  of  style,  a  clearness  of  con- 
ception,  and  a   definiteness   of  character   portrayal   which 
cannot  be  claimed  for  the  other  two  plays.     The  Puritaine 
has  one  serious  fault,  namely,  an  absolute  lack  of  any  moral 
basis  for  the  series  of  cheats  and  deceptions  of  which  it  is 
made  up.    Had  the  author  conceived  Pyeboard  as  a  reformer 
or  a  castigator  of  the  abuses,  injustice,  and  hypocracy  of 
the  times,  and  had  he  made  this  the  underlying  motive  of 
the  schemes  and  plottings  of  the  main  character,  we  should 
be  inclined  to  class  this  as  one  of  the  great  comedies  of  the 
age;    but  as  it  stands  we  must  look  upon  it  merely  as  an 
amusing  and  interesting  piece  of  satirical  play-writing. 

As  to  the  possibility  of  connecting  our  author's  name  with 
this  play,  we  must  say  that  if  the  W.  S.  who  wrote  this  play 
was  W.  Smith,  he  changed  his  hand  completely,  and  for  the 
worse,  when  he  came  to  write  The  Hector  of  Germany. 

^History  of  English  Dramatic  Literature,  II,  230. 


6o  The  Palsgraue. 

We  have  seen  then  that  none  of  the  W.  S.  plays  can  be 
positively  assigned  to  Smith,  and  Dyce's  insinuation  that  he 
was  "fortunate  in  his  initials"  seems  altogether  uncalled  for. 
So  far  as  we  know  Simth  made  no  use  of  the  the  coincidence 
of  his  initials  with  those  of  the  master  poet  to  obtrude  his 
works  on  the  public  as  the  possible  productions  of  Shakes- 
peare. 


TEXT    OF    THE    PLAY 


THE" 

:h^  hector 

OF 

G  ERMANT. 

O  R 

If  Tkc Pa!fgraueyFnmtEk£tor. 

Ai^ew  Play,  an  Honour  Me 
Hiftory. 

tyisit  hathheengfuyiicklj  ASiedat the^Kt^-^MW  , 
and  a  the  Curtayne,  by  d  Ctrnpofty  o/T«w^- 
menefthitCitie, 


f  MadebyW.  Smith:  with  new 
A<]<litions. 


Hifm4  vita  tempms. 


^nrxitdiitLonionhy Thomas Creede^  for 

lojias  HmfoHy  and  are  to  be  foldc  in  'Patr* 
Nofler.Rorpf,  attheSigne  of  the  golden 
jinker,  l6i$. 


[CHARACTERS  IN  THE  PLAY 

King  Edward  of  England. 

King  John  of  France, 

Robert,  the  Palsgrave,  Palatine  of  the 

Rhine. 
King  of  Bohemia. 
Duke  of  Savoy. 

Marquis  of  Brandenburgh.  {'Electors. 

Bishop  of  Cologne  (Cullen). 
Bishop  of  Mainz  (Mentz). 
Bishop  of  Triers. 
Duke  of  Saxony. 
Prince  Henry  of  Trastomare  (the  Bastard). 
Peter  the  Hermit,  King  of  Spain  (Pedro  the  Cruel). 
Lord  Fitzwaters,  suitor  to  Floramel. 
Young  Fitzwaters,  his  son,  lover  of  Floramel. 
Lord  Clinton,  friend  to  Lord  Fitzwaters. 
Poitiers,  a  French  lord  (Saxony  in  disguise). 
Earl  of  Artoise,  a  Frenchman  at  Edward's  Court. 
Vandome  ]  Spainish  villains  in  the  service  of  Prince  Henry 
Mendozze  j  of  Trastomare. 

An  English  Archbishop. 
Steward  to  Lord  Fitzwaters. 
Page,  attendant  on  Floramel. 
A  Frenchman. 
An  Englishman. 

Queen  of  France,  wife  of  King  John. 
Floramel,  Lord  Clinton's  daughter. 
Herald,  servants,  attendants,  and  others.] 


(6s) 


Shipfull, 

To  The  Right  Wor- 

the  great  Fauourer  of  the  Muses^ 
Syr   lohn    Sw  inner  ton    Knight, 

sometimes  Lord  Mayor  of  this 
honourable  Cittie  of  London. 

SYR,  Pocsic  is  a  dininc  giftc,  borne  unth  many,  zvithoiif 
which  donation  no  man  can  be  a  Poet,  though  he  be 
Princeps  doctorum;  and  haue  all  the  Languages  {ad 
unguem.)  Ouid  found  this  inclination  in  himself e,  and  that 
ivas  the  reason  hee  saide,  Ouicquid  conabor  dicere  versus 
erit ;  zvhere  Nature  speakes  so  forceablie  in  any,  there  is  no 
suppressing  it:  For,  Naturam  expellas  furca  hcet  vsq;  re- 
currit,  your  Wor:  is  so  farre  from  offering  such  znolence, 
that  you  are  known  to  be  a  great  chcrisher  of  the  Muses. 
And  I  hailing  receiued  some  fauours  from  you,  for  priuate 
things,  thought  it  might  be  acceptable,  to  gitie  you  some 
Honor  in  Print;  So  that  this  Play,  intuled  The  Palsgraue, 
beeing  made  for  Citizens,  ivho  acted  it  zvell;  I  deemde  it  fitte 
to  bee  Patroninde  by  a  Citizen.  And  not  knozinng  any  so 
worthy  thereof  as  your  selfe,  I  made  choyce  of  your  Wor:  to 
be  my  Mecoenas :  The  kinde  acceptance  zvhcrcof,  zvill  make 
me  proceede  farther  in  your  praise.  And  as  I  haue  begun  in 
a  former  Play,  called  the  Freemans  Honour,  acied  by  the 
Nozv^seruants  of  the  Kings  Maiestie,  to  dignifie  the  zvorthy 
Com  panic  of  the  Marchantaylors,  zvhereof  you  are  a  princi- 
pall  Ornament,  I  shall  ere  long,  make  choyce  of  some  sub- 
iect  to  equall  it.  hi  the  meane  time,  I  Icaue  the  Palso^raue 
in  your  hand,  as  a  pledge  of  my  good  meaning,  &  zvill  rest 
Your  Wor  :  most  dutious, 

W.  Smith. 

For  'intuled'  read  'intittded.' 
For  'Meccenas'  read  'Maecenas.' 


THE  PROLOGUE 

OUr  Aiithonr  for  himself c,  this  bad  me  say, 
Altlwugh  the  Palsgrane  he  the  name  of  th' 
Play, 

Tis  not  that  Prince,  which  in  this  Kingdome  late. 
Marry  ed  the  May  den-glory  of  our  state: 
What  Pen  dares  be  so  bold  in  this  strict  age, 
To  bring  him  zvhile  he  Hues  vpon  the  Stage? 
And  thoiis.h  he  zvonld,  Authorities  sterne  brozv 
Such  a  presumtuous  deede  zvill  not  allow: 
And  he  must  not  offend  Authoritie, 

10     Tis  of  a  Palsgraue  generous  and  high. 
Of  an  vndaunted  heart,  an  Hectors  spirit. 
For  his  great  zfalour,  zvorthy  royall  merite; 
Whose  fayre  achieuemejits,  and  victorious  glory, 
Is  the  mayne  subiect  of  our  zvarlike  Story. 
Mars  goucrns  here,  his  influence  rules  the  day. 
And  should  by  right  be  Prologue  to  the  Play: 
But  that  besides  the  subiect,  Mercury 
Sent  me  to  excuse  our  insufhcicncie. 
If  you  should  aske  vs,  being  men  of  Trade, 

20     Wherefore  the  Players  facultie  zve  inuade? 
Our  anszvere  is,  No  ambition  to  compare 
With  any,  in  that  qitalitie  held  rare; 
Nor  with  a  thought  for  any  grace  you  giue 
To  our  zveake  aetion,  by  their  course  to  Hue: 
But  as  in  Camps,  and  Nurseries  of  Art, 
Learning  and  valour  hmie  assum'd  a  part, 
In  a  Cathurnall  Sceane  their  zvits  to  try, 
Such  is  our  purpose  in  this  History. 
Emperours  haue  playd,  and  their  Associates  to, 

27.     Read  'Cothurnall.' 

(69) 


70  Prologue. 

30     Soiiliiirrs  and  ScJioIIcrs;   tis  to  spcakc  and  do. 
If  Citizens  come  short  of  their  high  fame, 
Let  Citizens  beare  ivith  vs  for  the  name. 
And  Gentlemen,  zvc  hope  zvJiat  is  zvell  ment, 
Will  grace  the  iveake  decde  for  the  good  intent. 
Our  best  zve  promise  with  a  dauntlcsse  cheeke; 
And  so  we  gayne  your  lone,  tis  all  zve  seeke.     Exit. 


PALSGRAUE. 

[Act  I.     Scene  i.     The  Palsgrave's  castle.] 

A  Bed  thrust  out,  the  Palsgraue  lying  sicke  in  it,  the 
King  of  Bohemia,  the  Duke  of  Sauoy,  the  Mar- 
quesse  Brandenhurgh,  entring  ztnth  him. 
A  Letter. 

Palsgraue.     Sicke  at  this  instant  now  to  be  infirme, 
When  the  English  King  hath  his  kinde  Letter  sent : 
For  mee  to  place  this  honourable  prince, 
The  Duke  of  Sauoy  in  the  Empires  rule : 
That  Nation  my  great  Grandfather  did  loue. 
And  since  I  came  to  vnderstand  their  valour, 
I  held  them  the  Prime  Souldiers  of  the  world : 
And  thinke  no  Martiall  Tutor  fittes  a  prince, 
But  hee  that  is  a  true  borne  Englishman. 

10     111  comes  this  Letter,  and  your  Grace  at  once, 
A  worser  time  then  this  you  could  not  choose. 
Though  I  am  chiefe  Elector  of  the  seuen. 
And  a  meere  Cccsar  now  the  Chayre  is  voyde : 
Sicknesse  hath  weakened  all  my  powers  so  much, 
I  shalbe  slighted  as  a  worthlesse  thing. 

Sauoy.     Why  should  the  Palsgraue  so  mistrust  his 

Friends  ? 
Palsgr:  Sauoy,  because  I  know  them  factious. 
And  though  Bohemia  loue  me  as  his  life, 
And  Vmpeare-like,  should  pacific  our  iars, 

20     What  is  his  voyce  when  Saxon  drawes  his  sword  ? 
Ments  of  a  Cleargie-man  is  stout  and  prowde. 
Trier  his  like,  in  nature  and  in  vice. 
And  the  bold  Bastard,  late  expulst  from  Spayne, 
Has  a  blood-thirsty  hart,  a  vengefull  splecne. 

(70 


72  The  Palsgraue. 

Misfortune  cannot  daunt  hini  though  he  fled 
Out  of  his  owne  Realme,  and  has  lost  his  Crowne. 
His  inipudencie  yet  aymes  at  Cccsars  Throne, 
Ide  freely  part  with  mine  inheritance, 
If  it  could  purchase  health  to  tame  his  pride, 
30     But  in  you  onely  I  repose  my  trust. 

Reserue  your  voyces  for  this  Noble  Duke, 
Who  were  I  well  should  bee  an  Emperour : 
Sicknesse  will  be  obeyde,  I  must  decline, 
For  my  speech  failes  mee  to  vrge  more  discourse, 
Pray  for  mee  all,  if  that  they  chaunce  to  win, 
And  I  recouer  He  helpe  all  by  Warre. 

The  Bcdde  dramne  in.    Exit  Palsgraue. 

Bohem.    The  strength  of  Germonie  is  sicke  in  him, 
And  should  hee  die  now  in  his  prime  of  life, 
Like  Troy  wee  loose  the  Hector  of  our  Age : 
40     For  hee  alone,  when  he  was  strong  and  well, 

Curb'd  all  their  pride,  and  kept  the  w^orst  in  awe. 

Marqu:    We  must  expect  warre:  &  prepare  our 
selues 
With  expedition  to  resist  their  force: 
For  a  more  dangerous  Foe  for  Treachery, 
Then  is  the  Bastastard,  Hues  not  in  these  parts. 

Saiioy.    I  am  sorie,  that  presuming  on  the  health 
Of  the  most  valiant  Palsgraue  now  falne  sicke, 
I  came  so  ill  prouided  for  the  Warres. 

Bohem.     We  are  strong  enough  to  meet  them  in 
the  field. 

Enter  the  By  shop  of  Ctillen. 

50         Ciillen.      Prepare   for   Warre,   the   Bastard    is    in 
armes, 
With  him  the  fiery  Saxon,  Ments,  and  Trier: 
And  they'le  besiege  this  Castle,  to  constraine 
The  Palsgraue,  to  elect  him  Emperour. 

Marq:    Shame  to  vs  all,  if  we  giue  ayme  to  that. 

45.     Read  'Bastard.' 


The  Palsgraue.  73 

Sauoy.    Begyrt  this  Castle,  and  disturbe  the  health 
Of  our  deare  friends,  it  is  insufferable. 

Bohcm.    Let  vs  conuey  him  lower  downe  the  riuer, 
Vnto  a  stronger  Castle  of  his  ovvne : 
And  with  such  Forces  as  we  haue  prepar'd, 
60     Giue  battell  to  the  Bastard  and  his  crue. 

Sauoy.    You  haue  a  Ccrsar  of  your  owne  Election, 
To  leade  the  Vanfjard,  doe  but  follow  mee, 
He  guide  you  where  the  greatest  danger  dwells : 
And  like  an  Emperour  fright  it  from  the  field : 
The  Bastards  but  a  Coward,  and  a  Spanyard, 
Coward  and  Spanyard  oft-times  goe  together. 
Their  greatest  valour  does  consist  in  Braues. 
And  once  repulst,  theyl  run  away  like  Slaues. 

[Scene  2.     Before  the  castle.] 

Enter  Prince  Henry,  the  Bastard,  the  Duke  of  Saxon, 
The  Bishop  of  Mentz,  Drum,  Ciillors,  &  Soldioiirs. 

Bastard.  This  land  of  Germanic  yeelds  valiant  men, 
70     Haughty  in  heart  as  they  in  stature  are : 
Ten  thousand  such  had  I  bene  Leader  of 
When  the  Blacke-Prince,  lately  my  greatest  Foe, 
Opposde  me  at  Macieres,  and  wonne  the  day, 
I  had  bene  Lord  of  that  most  noble  F"ielde, 
And  where  an  Hermit  now  tells  ore  his  Beades, 
Had  sat  a  Souldier  and  a  Conquerour. 

Saxon.    That  Hermit  is  too  bookish  to  raigne  long. 

Bastard.    When  th'Imperiall  Scepter  fills  my  hand, 
And  I  haue  Cccsars  wreath  vpon  my  brow, 
80     As  had  my  Grandsire,  and  his  royall  Father, 
He  make  Iberia  wreake  with  my  foes  blood. 
And  force  the  Dotard  to  his  Hermitage. 

Mentz.    Such  thoughts  becomes  the  Gernwiue  Em- 
perour, 
Has  courage  to  wage  Warre  with  all  the  world. 


74  The  Palsgraue. 

Sa.von:    Harry,  a  word  in  priiiate  in  your  eare, 
\\'hen  you  are  Emperour,  as  in  time  you  shall, 
I  must  rule  all,  although  you  weare  the  Crowne : 
The  Edicts  I  propose  you  must  enact, 
And  call  them  your  owne  Lawes,  not  being  vext 
90     At  what  I  doe,  although  I  mince  your  honour. 

Bastard.     How  Sa.vouf 

Saxo)i.    Harry,  Darst'  thou  wreath  thy  brow, 
In  any  contumelious  forme  gainst  mee? 
T'is  by  my  fauour  that  thou  art  aliue. 
My  greater  greatnes  has  repaird  thy  fame, 
And  being  but  my  creature,  it  is  fitte 
I  should  bee  knowne  to  be  the  worthier  man. 

Bastard.     Betw-eene  our  selues  in  priuate. 

Sax:     Publikely,   and   in  the  view   of  all,    youle 
sweare. 

Bastard.    I  must. 
But  being  installed  in  the  dignitie, 
100     He  alter  what  I  sweare. 

Saxon.     Come,  Come,  your  Oath,  . 
Being  an  Elector,  I  am  bard  the  onely  Throane, 
And  therefore  will  rule  by  a  Deputy. 

Mentz.     This  is  the  Castle,  shall  wee  sommon  it? 

Enter  Trier,  another  Bishop. 

Trier.    Emperour  elect,  and  princes  of  the  State, 
In  vaine  you  labour  to  begyrt  this  hold 
With  hostile  Armes,  for  Saiioy  is  yth  field, 
The  Bishop  of  CuUen,  and  stoute  Brandenhiirgh, 
With  the  Bohemian  King,  are  already  prest, 
To  giue  you  battel!  ere  you  stirre  your  foote. 
no         Bast.    Are  they  so  braue,  so  bote,  &  full  of  cour- 
age? 
Sax.     The  Palsgraue  has  breath'd  spirit  into  them 
all. 


The  Palsgraue.  75 

Thogh   sicklies   make   him   droop,    weel   meet   them 

straight 
Battells  are  gouernd  by  the  will  of  Fate. 

An  Allarnm. 

Enter  to  flicni  Sauoy,  Bohem,  Marqiiessc,  and  Ciillen, 
They  are  beaten  off  by  the  Bastards  side,  &  exeunt. 
A  Flourish,  enter  in  triumph,  Bastard,  Saxon, 
Trier,   Mentz,    leading   the   king   of  Bohemia, 
Brandenburgh,  and  Sauoy,  Prisoners. 
Bast.     So  moues  the  Sitnne  in  glory  through  the 
skie, 
Hauing  outpast  the  clowdes  that  shadow  him. 

Sax.     Now  Spanish  Henry,  thou  hast  prou'd  thy 
selfe 
Worthy  the  Ger inane  scepter,  by  thy  valour, 
And  hee  that  sayes  not  Aiie  Ccusar,  dyes. 

Boheni     Swell   not   too   high   thou   bubble,    least 
thou  breake. 
1 20         Bastard.     He  breake  thy  heart  first. 
Sauoy.     Ere  my  tongue  pronounce 
Aue  to  any  that's  my  enemie; 
He  bare  my  brest  to  meete  thy  conquering  sword, 
And  make  it  crimson  with  an  Emperours  blood. 
Bast:    There  must  be  but  one  Eniperour,  thats  our 
selfe. 
Therefore  to  prison  with  the  counterfeit. 
Whence  neither  County  Pallatine,  nor  King, 
Shall  with  theyr  Forces  if  they  were  conioynd, 
Haue  power  to  set  thee  free. 

Saxon:    For  you  my  Lords,  that  the  Electors  like 
vnto  my  selfe, 
130     Giue  but  your  free  consents  that  hee  shall  gouernc. 
And  that  shall  serue  as  ransome  for  you  all. 
Marq:     Neuer  while  life  lastes. 
Boheni.     Or  I  breath  this  ayre. 


76  The  Palsgraue. 

Mcntz.     Then  let  them  share  hke  fortune  in  his 
doom 
As  they  haue  done  this  happy  day  ith  field. 

Bastard.    To  prison  with  them  all. 

Saxon:    Not  till  you  are  Crownde. 
That  sight  shall  serue  in  steed  of  a  Tormentor, 
And  I  reioyce  to  vexe  mine  enemie. 

Bastard.    Giue  vs  our  rights. 

The  tivo  Bishops,  Ments  &  Trier,  Croitme  tJie 

Bastard. 
Mentz.     Rex  Romanorum,  &  magnus  Imperator 
Germanic. 
Uiue  Ccesar. 

Saxon:    Uiue  Ccesar. 
140         Bastard.     Enough  those  Uiues,  take  av\ay  my  life, 
In  the  delitious  wrapture  of  my  soule, 
For  theres  no  heauen  me  thinkes  like  royall  thoughts, 
The  Palsgraties  Castles  raste  vnto  the  ground, 
And  peace  establisht,  we  meane  once  againe 
To  trye  our  Fortune  for  the  Realme  of  Spayite. 

Exeunt. 

[Scene  3.     Another  of  the  Palsgrave's  eastles.] 

Enter  Peter  the  Hermit,  King  of  Spaine  in  a  disguise. 

Peter.  Since  the  decease  of  En  glands  royall  Sonne, 
That  plac't  me  lately  in  Spaynes  gouernment, 
Those  that  did  feare  me  for  his  valor  sake, 
Are  by  the  traynes  and  falshood  of  my  brother, 
1 50     Reuolted  from  mee,  and  to  saue  my  life 
I  was  constrained  to  put  on  this  disguise, 
To  goe  to  Englund  for  a  newe  supplie 
Of  men  and  Soldiours  would  but  weary  them. 
I  haue  therefore  bene  in  France,  and  failing  there, 
Am  come  to  Germanie,  to  implore  the  ayde 


The  Palsgraue.  yj 

Of  the  Electors,  but  by  ill  siiccesse, 
Bohemia,  Brandenbitrgh,  and  Sauoyes  tane: 
The  Bastard  has  bewitcht  the  other  Peeres. 
So  that  my  Foe  is  now  an  Emperour, 
1 60     And  all  the  hope  I  haue  to  get  mine  owne 
Lyes  in  the  Pahgraiie  sicke  I  heare  to  death, 
Heare  I  expect  his  answere  to  my  Letter. 

Enter  the  Palsgraue,  led  in  by  Cidlen,  and  others, 

Palsgr.     Are  you  the  Hermit  that  did  bring  this 

letter  ? 
Peter.    And  personate  him  that  sent  it. 
Palsgraue.    What  Spaynes  King? 
Oh  that  I  were  as  I  was  wont  to  bee, 
Before  this  dangerous  sicknesse  was  my  Foe, 
No  Christian  King  that  came  to  mee  for  ayde 
But  hee  should  speed. 

Peter.     In  time  you  may  recouer. 
Palsgr.     Meane  time  be  welcom,  sit,  &  take  your 
rest, 
170     And  now  my  Lord  of  CuUcn  Ime  preparde, 

To  heare  the  woefull  tydings  you  haue  brought. 
Comes  noble  Saiwy,  and  Bohemias  King, 
With   the   stoute  Marqiicsse  Brandenbitrgh   in   tri- 
umph ? 
And  is  proude  Saxon  taken,  with  the  Bastard, 
Trier  and  Mentz  made  subiect  to  your  sword? 
Oh  if  they  bee  speake  it,  and  make  me  well. 

Ctdlen.    Alls  lost.  We  are  conquerd,  Saiioy  is  sur- 
prizde. 
And  our  best  Friends  in  bondage  to  our  Foes : 
Heauen  has  forgot  the  Justice  of  our  cause. 
180     And  onely  I  escapt  to  tell  the  newes. 

Palsg:    This   were  enough   to  kill   some  men   in 
health, 
But  in  me  the  effect  is  contrary. 


78  The  Palsgraue. 

All  lost,  all  conquerd,  Saiioy  made  a  Slaue : 

My  Friends  in  prison,  and  none  escapt  but  you, 

Hee  that  can  heare  such  ill  newes  and  be  sicke, 

Deserues  nere  to  recouer,  in  my  blood, 

I  feele  an  inflammation  of  reuenge : 

Theres  greater  strength  gathered  into  my  nerues, 

Than  ere  before,  since  that  I  grewe  infirme : 

190     They  will  not  rest  thus,  and  stay  onely  there, 

But  hauing  conquerd  them,  assume  the  Crowne, 
And  make  the  Bastard  Empcroitr. 
Cullcn.     Hee  is  Crownd. 

Palsg.     More  blood   increases,   &  some   more  ill 
newes 
Would  make  me  cast  my  Night-cap  on  the  ground, 
And  call  my  Groome  to  fetch  mee  a  Warre-horse, 
That  I  may  ride  before  an  Army  royall. 
And  plucke  the  Crowne  from  off  the  Bastards  head, 
That  is  anothers  right. 

Cullcn.     Tis  thought  my  Lord. 
Your  Castle  which  you  left  to  saue  your  life 

200     Is  beaten  to  the  ground,  and  your  goods  theirs  : 
And  further,  that  they  will  pursue  you  hither, 
As  if  you  fled  before  their  conquering  swords. 

Palsgr.     Be  sicke  who  will,  mine  Ague  does  retire. 
And  Cullcn  thou  hast  cur'd  me  with  ill  newes. 
Come  valiant  Soldiours  shew  your  selues  like  men, 
And  be  assur'd  weele  winne  the  victory. 
Harke  how  they  shout  as  they  applauded  mee : 
And  see  how  brauely  euery  Leader  rides, 
Plum'd  from  the  Beauer  to  the  Saddle  bowe, 

210     Whilst  the  bold  Souldier  makes  his  lofty  pike 
Stretch  in  the  Ayre  with  tossing  it  aloft. 
Brauely  done  fellow :   that  tricke  once  againe. 
And  there's  gold  for  thy  paines,  hee  fights  like  Hector, 
Whilst  at  his  feete  th'amazed  Grecians  fall, 
And  though  Achilles  would  renew  the  Field, 


The  Palsg-raiie.  79 

Hee  dares  not  doo't,  the  enemies  so  strong, 
Me  thinks  I  heare  a  peale  of  Ordinance  play. 
They  are  the  Bastards  Cannons,  planted  high, 
To  ouerthrow  my  Castle  to  the  ground. 
220     Now  they  shoote  off,  Death,  all  my  foes  are  come. 
Marshall  my  Troups,  and  let  Drum  answere  Drum. 
My  selfe  in  person  will  be  generall. 
But  I  fainte,  and  am  not  what  I  would  be. 
My  spirit  is  stronger  then  my  feeble  lyms, 
Leade  me  once  more  with  griefe  vnto  my  bed, 
Fewe  know  the  sorrowes  of  a  troubled  head. 

Manent  Cullcn  &  Peter.     Exit  Palsgroue  led  in. 

Cidfen.    How  faine  would  valour  sicknes  ouercom? 
But  his  infirmity  denyes  such  power. 
And  I  am  more  grieued  for  his  weake  estate, 
230     Then  for  our  late  great  losse. 

Peter.     Palsgraue  may  helpe  him. 
And  as  I  liu'de  a  fellow  amongst  Hermits, 
I  learnt  some  skill  that  has  curde  many  a  Prince. 
See  him  safe  guarded  from  his  enemies. 
And  on  my  life  I  will  recouer  him. 

CidJeu.     Wee  are  strong  enough  to  wafte  him  to 
his  Fleete, 
And  when  the  Enemy  shall  misse  him  here, 
Theyle  turne  their  conquering  Force  another  way, 
And  goe  for  Spayne. 

Peter.     My  Kingdome. 

Cidlen.     To  subdue  it. 

Peter.     Let  them  proceed,  but  when  hee  has  got  his 
240     strength,  theyle  rue  their  boldnesse;  Meane  time  trust 
to  me.     For  next  to  Heauen  He  ctu^e  his  maladie. 


8o  The  Palsgraue. 

[Act    II.     Scene    i.     England.     Lord   Fif.^n'atcrs's 
house.  ] 

Enter  olde  Fitzivaters,  and  his  Steward.    Exeunt. 

Old  Fit:::     Thou  art  his  hand,  the  agent  of  his 
thoughts. 
And  onely  enginor,  by  which  he  works 
Some  dangerous  plot  to  I3I0W  his  Honour  vp : 
Is't  possible  my  Sonne  should  be  from  Court 
So  often,  and  the  cause  vnknowne  to  thee 
That  art  his  bosome-friend,  his  Counseller? 

Stew.     I  know  no  cause  except  to  take  the  ayre. 

Old  Fyth.     My  wrath  shall  finde  another  in  thy 
brest. 
250     Know  that  thou  tread'st  on  thy  last  foote  of  earth, 
From  whence  is  no  remooue,  but  to  the  graue : 
Flye  me  thou  canst  not,  and  to  make  resistance, 
Will  draw  vpon  thee  for  one  Lyons  rage, 
All  the  whole  denne.  Offers  to  kill  him. 

Sfezi'.    Hold,  and  He  tell  your  Honour. 
Know  that  his  vsuall  haunt  is  to  the  house 
Of  the  Lord  Clynton,  whither  he  is  gone 
To  see  his  Daughter,  whom  he  does  affect. 

Old.     Doats  he  on  my  betrothed,  my  Loue,  my 
wife? 
Had  he  the  hues  of  many  hopefull  sonnes 
260     Incorporate  with  his  owne,  my  rage  is  such 
I  should  destroy  them  all,  ere  lose  my  Loue. 
But  how  does  she  affect  him? 

Stezi'.     As  her  life : 
Alleadging,  that  the  Contract  made  to  you. 
Was  by  constraint  to  please  her  honour'd  Father : 
But  he  was  precontracted,  first  made  sure. 
And  this  I  heard  her  speake,  with  pearled  teares; 
Then  Loue,  no  passion  ought  to  be  more  free. 
Nor  any  agreement  like  that  sympathie. 


The  Palsofraue.  8 1 


■^b 


Old  Fyth.     I  hane  put  on  Dianiras  poysoned  shirt 
270     In  the  discourse,  and  euery  word  cleaues  to  me 
As  deadly  in  the  apprehension, 
As  that  which  kill'd  the  lew-borne  Hercules. 
But  wherefore  doe  I  combat  with  my  selfe, 
That  haue  a  greater  enemie  to  curbe? 
Oh,  but  he  is  my  sonne!    What  is  a  sonne? 
The  effect  of  a  sweete  minute,  he  shall  dye. 
Being  my  pleasure  to  effect  my  pleasure : 
Attend  me  where  he  is,  I  may  destroy  him. 

Exeunt. 

[Scene  2.     Rear  of  Lord  Clinton's  honse.'\ 

Enter  a  Page. 

Page.  I  haue  a  sweete  Office,  to  be  a  Gentleman  Por- 
280  ter  to  a  backe  dore ;  but  tis  for  a  Lady,  the  best  beauty 
in  England  :  and  if  there  be  any  Pandering  in  the  bu- 
sinesse,  though  I  am  accessary  i'the  fee,  because  I 
Hue  by  it,  I  haue  no  knowledge  in  the  fault.  Ma- 
ny a  Courtier  would  be  glad  of  my  place,  yet  I  hold 
it  not  by  pattent,  for  terme  of  life,  nor  for  yeeres : 
but  as  young  Gentlemen  get  Venison  vpon  sufferance 
or  by  stealth.  If  the  Lord  Clyiiton  should  haue  no- 
tice of  this  Key  or  euidence,  by  which  the  young 
Lord  Fythzvatcrs  is  conueyed  to  his  Daughter  against 
290  his  will,  though  shee  be  his  Wife  by  a  precontract, 
I  might  bee  conueyed  to  the  Porters-lodge.  But 
if  all  Court-secrets  come  to  light,  what  will  be- 
come of  the  Farthingales  thinke  you  that  couer 
them?  No,  since  Ladies  weare  Whale-bones,  ma- 
ny haue  been  swallowed,  and  so  may  this.  Heere 
comes  the  Young  Lord. 

Enter  Young  Fythwaters. 

2y2.     Read  'love-borne.' 


82  The  Palsgraue. 

Y.  F\t.  Alwaies  at  hand,  thy  carefuhiesse  is  great : 
Where  is  thy  Lady? 

Pag.     Walking  in  the  Garden. 
Y.  Fyt.     So  early,  then  I  see  lones  the  hest  larke ; 
300     For  the  Corne  builder  has  not  warbled  yet 
His  mornings  Carroll  to  the  rising  Sunne. 
There's  for  thy  paines. 

Page.     I  thanke  your  Lordship.    And  now  like  the 
Keeper  of  a  prison,  hauing  my  fee,  tis  fit  I  should 
turne  the  Key.     You  know  the  way  to  my  Ladies 
chamber. 
Y.  Fyth.     I  doe.  Exit  Young  Fythzvafcrs. 

Page.  Sure  liberallitie  was  a  louer,  or  he  would  nere 
Be  so  bountifull :  some  thinke  it  a  chargeable  thing  to 
keepe  a  Woman  of  any  eminent  fashion,  and  so  tis ; 
310  but  to  keepe  them  as  I  doe  vnder  locke  and  key,  and 
suffer  none  to  enter  but  such  liberall  Gentlemen,  is 
the  onely  way  to  make  a  rich  Keeper.  I  must  walke 
still  to  watch  his  comming  foorth. 

Enter  old  Fythwaters  and  Stezvard. 

O.  Fyt.    You  haue  beene  with  the  Lord  Clynton? 

Stew.    And  he  promist  to  meete  you  in  the  Garden 
couertly. 

O.  Fyth.     Is  this  the  place? 

Stew.     And  this  is  the  Ladyes  Page  that  lets  him 
in. 

Page.     Helpe,  helpe.  Stop  his  month. 

320         O.  FytJi.     If  you  bellow  here,  you  breath  your 
last;  by  waies, 
Backe  (lores,  come  sir  along  with  me. 
If  that  her  father  meete,  as  I  desire, 
Whats  but  a  sparke.  will  prooue  a  mount  of  fire. 
Locke  the  dore  after  vs. 

Stezvard.     ]\Iy  Lord  I  will.  Exeunt  all. 


The  Palsgrane.  83 

[Scene  3.     Garden  of  Lord  Clinton's  house.] 

Enter  in  the  Garden,  Floramell  the  Lord  Clyntons 
Daughter,  and  Young  Fythzuaters. 

They  sit  on  a  banke. 

Flo.     The  dehan  Lute  is  not  more  Musical! 
Then  thy  sweere  voyce,  Oh  my  Apollo  speake, 
That  with  the  wrapture  of  thy  words,  my  soule 
May  be  intranst,  and  wish  no  other  ioyes : 
330     That  by  the  discord  of  two  Broken  harps, 
(Old  and  vnfit  for  Louers  harmony) 
Our  ioyes  should  suffer  a  distate  of  feare ; 
And  in  our  most  delights  a  qualme  of  griefe 
Runne  like  a  vayne  of  Lead  through  a  Gold-mine. 

Olde  Fyth-zvaters  and  the  Lord  Clynton 
come  behinde,  and  ouer-heare  them. 

Flo.    We  grow  too  iealous  of  our  prosperous  daies, 
Making  an  euill,  where  no  ill  is  meant : 
Like  hallowed  ground,  loue  sanctifies  this  place, 
And  will  not  suffer  danger  to  intrude. 
Here  we  are  ringd  in  earthly  Paradise, 
340     And  may  haue  all  the  heauen  to  our  selues : 
Be  then  Mistrust  an  exile  from  my  brest. 
Where  Hues  no  iealousie,  dwells  present  rest. 

Clyn.    But  wee'l  disturbe  it,  &  your  amorous  ioyes. 

Y.   Fyt.      Our    Fathers   present;    Sweet,    we   are 
betraid. 

O.  Fyt.     Betrayd  to  death  :  why  doe  you  hold  my 
Sword  ? 
There's  greater  fury  kindled  in  my  brest. 
Then  can  be  quencht  by  any  thing  but  blood : 
I  shall  turne  frantique  if  you  brand  the  Sea 

327.     Read  'sweete.' 
332-     Qy.  Read  'distaste.' 
348.     Qy.     Read  'band.' 


00 


84  The  Palsgraue. 

Of  my  displeasure  in  such  narrow  bounds, 
And  with  a  Dekige,  equall  to  the  first, 
That  ouer-spred  the  world,  swell  vp  so  high, 
Till  not  a  Mountaine  ouer-looke  the  streame, 
Nor  heauen  be  seene  for  Riuers  of  the  Land. 

Y.  Fyt.    If  I  could  feare  the  waning  of  a  Sword, 
Mine  enemies  had  frighted  me  ere  now ; 
But  Fme  invaluable,  like  my  minde, 
Not  to  be  wounded  but  with  darts  of  loue; 
And  I  as  little  estimate  a  Father 
In  these  Pathaires,  as  he  esteemes  my  griefe. 
360     There's  no  preoritie  in  loues  high  Court 

Graunted  vnto  the  Father  'fore  the  Sonne; 
But  like  the  purest  gouernment  of  all, 
Euery  mans  minde  is  his  owne  Monarchy : 
Where  reason  nere  set  foote  to  make  a  law, 
Shall  common  sense  keepe  one,  that  were  absurd. 

O.  Fyt.     Wouldst  fight  with  me? 

Y.  Ft.     Not  if  you  will  forbeare  me; 
But  in  a  warre  defensiue  I  will  stand 
Against  an  Army  of  my  Auncestors, 
Did  their  enfranchiz'd  soules  break  ope  their  tombes, 
370     And  reassum'd  their  bodyes  as  they  liu'd. 
In  their  full  pride  and  youthfull  iollity. 

O.  Fy.     Let  Rauens  perch  vpon  these  blossomd 
trees, 
Night  Owles  their  stations  in  this  Garden  keepe, 
And  euery  ominous  portence  draw  neere: 
For  here  He  ofifer  vnto  Hecate, 
A  hellish  sacrifice  in  a  sonnes  blood. 

Clyu.  I  feele  an  Earth-quake  in  my  tremblug  flesh, 
And  my  well  boding  Genius  bids  me  draw 
A  sword  of  vengeance  on  this  hastie  Lord, 
380     Ere  sufTer  him  to  be  a  Paricide. 

356.     Read  'invulnerable.' 
374.     Read  'portent.' 
377.     Read  'trembling.' 


The  Palsgraue.  85 

O.  Fyth.    Will  the  Lord  Clynton  buckler  out  my 
foe? 

Clyn.     No,  but  restraine  you  from  a  wilfull  mur- 
ther. 

Flo.    And  like  the  best  oblation  for  your  wrath, 
Loe,  I  the  subiect  of  this  variance  fall 
Prostrate  on  my  knee,  to  suffer  death, 
Ere  such  a  rude  act,  most  vnfather-like, 
Be  put  in  practise  on  so  good  a  sonne. 

O.  FyfJi.     Good  to  deceiue  me. 

Y.  Fyth.     The  deceit  is  yours. 

O.  Fyth.    Forsweare  him,  and  I  shall  rest  satisfied. 
390        Flora.     Neuer. 

Y.  Fyth.    Nor  I. 

O.  Fyth.    Giue  way. 

Y.  Fyth.    I  neede  no  buckler. 

Clyn.     I  stand  not  here  to  offend,  but  to  defend 
Your  hues  and  honour  gainst  so  vile  an  act 
Would  blurre  the  Conquerors  fame  perpetually, 
Making  your  swords  the  furies  fire-brands, 
Bath'd  so  vnnaturally  in  others  blood. 
Where  neither  Honour,  nor  Religion  springs, 
Tis  better  farre  such  combats  be  vnfought : 
I  know  your  pleas,  her  father  has  my  graunt, 
You  her  affection  got  against  my  will : 
400     The  place  whereon  you  stand  is  our  owne  ground, 
And  here  tis  fit  I  abritrate  the  cause, 
Mongst  reasonable  men  peace  is  held  good : 
None  loue  dissention,  but  they  thirst  for  blood. 

O.  Fyt.     Counsel  preuailes,  I  am  glad  he  is  not 
slaine. 

Y.  Fyt.    T  line  witli  joy,  that  I'me  no  Father-killer. 

Clyn.  Will  you  subscribe  to  what  we  shall  enioyne? 

Old  Fyth.  &  Y.  Fyt.     We  doe. 

Clyn.     In  hriefc  tis  this.     You  must  forbeare  my 
house, 
And  neuer  more  be  scene  within  my  gates. 


86  The  Palsgraue. 

410         Y.  Fyt.     This  is  extreame. 

O.  Fyt.    I  haiie  a  heaiiier  doome, 
Which  on  my  curse  I  charge  thee  to  obserue : 
Whicli  is.  That  instantly  thou  leaue  the  Land, 
And  trouble  me  no  more  to  get  her  loue. 
y.  Fyt.    How  am  I  crost ! 
Flor.     How  is  my  heart  tormented ! 
Y.  Fyt.    Yet  I  haue  all  the  wprld  to  trafique  in, 
Except  in  England,  and  your  Honoues  house: 
^  But  as  the  dissolution  of  the  soule 

Erom  such  a  body  as  desires  to  loue. 
Is  burthensome  and  grieuous  to  the  man ; 
420     Such  is  my  heart  disseuered  from  my  Loue. 

Flo.    And  such  is  mine  to  lose  thy  company, 
Y.  lyt.     You  are  cruell  to  impose  a  curse  vpon 
me, 
That  sentence  is  extreame,  I  feele  it  worke 
More  deadly  on  my  grieued  faculties, 
Then  to  haue  dyed  vpon  my  fathers  sword : 
Eor  now  mine  owne  woes  must  destroy  my  selfe. 
And  thats  a  murther  worse  then  paracide. 

Exit  Y.  Fyt. 
Flora.    My  knife  shall  end  me. 
Old  Fyth.    Hold  thy  desperate  hand, 
Would'st  make  our  Nuptialls  proue  a  Tragedy? 
430         Flo.     I  would,  and  be  inhum'd  within  the  ground, 
Rather  then  measure  out  a  hated  bed. 

Clyii.  Neuer  regard  the  passions  of  a  woman, 
They  are  wily  creatures,  and  haue  learnt  this  wit, 
Where  they  loue  most,  best  to  dissemble  it. 

O.  Fyt.     If  that  proue  so,  my  heart  wil  be  the 
lisfhter. 


Manet  Steward.  Exeunt. 


417.     Read  'Honours.' 
421.    Read  'Y.  Fyt.' 


The  Palsgraue.  87 

Stew.     I  haue  done  an  act  \\\\\  make  me  odious 
To  all  succeeding  times,  betrayde  my  friend : 
But  here  he  comes,  He  stay  and  speake  with  him. 

Enta'  young  Fytczvaters. 

Y.  Fyt.     Carelesse  of  foes,  of  father,  or  his  curse, 
440     Come  I  againe  to  challenge  Floraniell, 

Which  I  suspect  the  Stezvard  has  betrayde. 

Stezi'.     Within  my  brest  bathe  a  reuengefull  sword, 
Loe,  I  oppose  it  to  your  greatest  wrath : 
Yet  if  you  saw  the  counsells  of  my  heart. 
There  you  may  reade,  twas  not  I  but  feare 
That  was  the  Authour  of  your  loues  betraying; 
Your  angry  father  threatned  me  with  death, 
And  I  had  no  euasion  but  to  tell  it : 
But  if  your  Lordship  please  to  pardon  me, 
450     He  lay  a  plot  to  helpe  you  to  your  Loue. 

Y.  Fyt.     He  that  is  once  false,  will  be  neuer  true. 

Stezi'.     Then  wherefore  serues  repentance? 

Y.  Fyt.     Well,  proceede. 

Stezv.    Set  downe  the  place  where  I  shall  finde  your 
Honour, 
And  if  I  bring  not  thither  Floramell, 
At  our  next  meeting  take  away  my  life. 

Y.  Fyt.     Meete  me  at  Yorke  house. 

Sfezi.:     He  be  there  ere  long. 
I  haue  done  amisse,  and  will  amend  the  wrong. 

Exeunt. 

[Scene  4.    In  front  of  Lord  Clinton's  housc.l 

Enter  old  Fythzvaters,  Clynton,  and  a  Bishoppe. 

Clyn.     The    Bride   not    vp,    and    the    Archbishop 
come, 
Some  call  her  downe. 

0.  Fyt.     Welcome  my  reuerend  Lord. 
460     Doe  not  you  Bishops  vse  sometimes  to  dreame? 


88  The  Palsgrane. 

Bish.    We  haue  the  same  incitements  of  the  blood 
That  others  haue,  and  in  our  phantasies 
We  see  strange  shapes,  and  diners  things  to  follow. 

Clyn.     What  was  your  dreame  to  night  ? 

Bish.     As  I  remember, 
Himcn  was  turn'd  into  a  Mercury, 
And  hee's  the  Patron  of  all  slye  deceits. 
But  whats  my  dreame  to  your  affayres  my  Lord  ? 

O.  Fyt.  That  such  another  dreame  I  had  last  night : 
And  if  I  should  be  cheated  of  my  Bride, 
4/0     Twere  a  strange  premonition. 

Ch'u.     Feare  it  not,  see  where  shee  comes. 

Enter  the  Page,  drest  in  one  of  Floramells  Goivncs, 
zvcarin^  a  Maske.  Floramell  and  the  Steazvard  aboue. 

0.  Fyth.     March  forwards  to  the  Church. 

Exeunt  Lords  and  Page. 

Ste.     So.  whilst  he  takes  your  place,  we  are  for 

Yorkhouse. 
Flora.     I  come  Fythzvaters  flying. 
Stew.     Let's  away. 

[Scene  5.     Street  before  York  house.'] 

Enter  young  Fythivaters. 

Y.  Fy.     The  stay  of  my  faire  Mistris  makes  me 
wilde, 
Sure  I  shall  neuer  more  behold  her  face ; 
The  Stewards  false,  and  Floramell  may  change. 
He  therefore  giue  a  period  to  my  griefe. 
And  in  dispayre  finish  what  life  denyes : 
Yet  ere  I  dye,  let  all  the  World  this  know, 
480     A  IVomans  hue  procur'd  my  ouerthrozv. 

Enter  the  Stezvard  and  Floramell. 
Y.  Fith.     My  Floramell,  to  Sea.  Exeunt. 


The  Palsgraue.  89 

[Scene  6.     Street  in  front  of  a  church.] 

Enter  from  Church,  old  Fythwatcrs,  Clynton,  Bishop, 
and  the  Page  disc  oner  ed. 

O.  Fyth.    Oh  my  distracted  soiile,  this  is  extreame, 
Gull'd  with  a  Boy,  drest  in  your  Daughters  gowne : 
This  is  a  crosse  that  patience  cannot  beare. 

Clynton.    Who  was  the  cause  of  this,  speake; 
Wheres  my  Daughter? 

Page.    Fledde  to  your  Sonne. 
The  Steward  layd  the  plot ;  What  I  haue  done 
Was  for  my  Ladies  sake. 

Old  Fzi^cC.-    That  Steward  is  a  Villaine. 

Clinton.     Lets  goe  seeke  him. 
Take  seuerall  streetes,  but  let  your  meeting  be 
490     At  the  Water-side,  least  they  should  flee  to  Sea. 

Old  Pi.     To  the  water  side;  Lord  Bishop  keep  the 
boy. 

Exeunt  Old  Pitzzvater  and  Clynton. 

Bishop.     I  will. 
My  Dreame  is  falne  out  right,  Hymen  is  chang'd 
Into  a  slye  deceyuing  Mercuric: 
But  tis  most  requisite,  they  that  doe  wrong 
Should  feele  the  penaltie  by  suffering  it. 
I  witnesse  can  the  Young  Lordes  precontract. 
Bad  Fathers  that  infringe  a  holy  act.  Exeunt. 

[Scene  7.     Another  street.] 

Enter  King  Edward  disguised  like  a  priuate 
man,  a  Lord  imth  him. 

King.     This  day   I   thinke   I   i)romised   the  Lord 
Clinton 
500     To  be  his  Guest. 


90  The  Palsgraue. 

Lord.     It  was  my  Liege  this  Day. 

King.     I  haiie  dismist  my  Traine  to  stcale  vpon 
him, 
But  whats  the  reason  all  things  are  so  quiet  ? 
A  Lordes  house  at  so  great  a  Cerimonie 
As  is  a  Marriage,  should  be  like  a  Court : 
Multitudes  thronging  vp  and  downe  like  wanes. 
And  the  Gate  kept  with  an  Officious  porter. 
To  giue  kinde  entertainment  to  all  Commers ; 
Heres  no  such  a  matter. 

Lord.     Here  Oldc  fit::watcr:  comes. 

Enter  Okie  Fitzzvaters. 

O.  Fyf.     Some  Pegasus  has  borne  her  from  my 
sight 
510     For  nere  a  horse  I  keepe  can  ouertake  them: 
By  all  coniectures  they  are  gone  to  Sea, 
And  Shipt  by  this. 

King.     His  Bride. 

Lord.     Belike  tis  so. 

O.  Fyt.     Some  whirle-winde  follow  them ; 
And  making  the  Ocean  rougher  then  my  brow, 
Yee  dauncing  Par  pusses  caper  aloft, 
And  mud  the  white  foame  with  your  ietty  backs ; 
A  perfect  signe  a  tempest  is  at  hand. 
Rise  from  the  bottome  of  the  deepe  ye  WJiales, 
And  ouerturne  the  Shippe  that  carryes  them : 
520     But  let  a  Dolphin  saue  my  Floramcll, 

And  backe  vnto  the  hauen  guide  her  safe. 
As  for  the  boy,  make  him  your  watry  pray, 
Eate  him  aliue,  that  he  may  heare  his  bones 
Crash  in  the  iawes  of  the  Leiiiathan: 
But  saue  his  head  for  me  to  know  him  by, 
Authour  of  all  my  griefe  and  misery. 

King.     He  interrupt  his  passion. 


The  Palsgrane.  91 

Lord.     Stay  my  Liege. 
Yon  shall  heare  more,  here  comes  the  other  Father. 

Enter  Clynfoii. 

Clyn.     How  now  my  Lord,  hane  yon  snrprizd  yonr 
Bride? 

Old.    I  thinke  thy  trechery  conneyed  her  hence, 
And  by  thy  meanes  another  was  attyr'd 
In  her  habi laments  to  vexe  me  thns. 

Clyn.     You  highly  wrong  me. 

Old.     I  would  right  you  better, 
Were  I  assur'd  of  your  close  tretchery. 

Clyn.     Threaten  me? 

Old.     With  no  more  then  He  performe. 

Clyn.     Not  in  cold  blood. 

Old.     No,  but  in  blood  like  fire. 

Clijiton.     In  choller,  passion  and  a  crazed  braine, 
But  when  you  haue  slept  vpon  your  menaces, 
You  will  not  then  make  good  a  noble  challenge, 
And  enter  single  combate  like  a  Lord. 

Old  Fit:;.     There  lie  my  gage  I  dare  thee  to  the 
field, 
And  will  auer  without  the  aduice  of  sleepe, 
That  thou  wert  priuy  to  the  Stewards  blot. 

Clint.     He  take  your  gage,  and  meet  you  when  you 
dare. 

King.     But  we'le  not  suffer  it,  that  loue  the  lines 
Of  euery  subiect.  much  more  of  our  Peeres  : 
And  as  for  you  Fitc-zcotcrs,  that  are  growne 
Hotter  then  I  expected  from  your  age, 
Except  you  can  produce  good  witnesses, 
That  Clinton  has  decieu'd  you  of  your  Bride, 
He  stay  the  combate  or  imprison  you. 

Fit::.     I  cannot  prooue  it,  but  I  thinke  tis  so. 


543.    Read  'plot.' 


92  The  Palsgraue. 

King.     Correct  snch  thoughts,  and  giue  him  back 

his  gage. 
Fifa.     Withall  my  heart,    (giitcs  bake  the  gage. 
King.     Clinton  I  am  satisfied. 

Enter  a  Messenger  mith  a  Letter  zuJiith  he  offers 
to  the  King. 

King    How  now,  what  newes  bring  you  ? 
Messenger    Letters  my  Liege  from  the  Count  Pala- 
tine 
King.     Our  noble  friend  Bauaria's  vahant  Duke. 
Messenger     From  him  my  Liege. 
King.     Weele  read  them  instantly. 

The  Contents  of  the  Letter. 

Alls  lost,  our  elected  friend  Sauoy  taken  prisoner, 
560  with  him  Bohemia,  and  Brand enburgh;  sickenesse 
w^ould  not  suffer  mee  to  weare  Armour,  but  by  the 
helpe  of  the  Royall  Hermit,  Peter  the  King  of  Spayne 
your  friend  and  Beadesman  I  am  recouered.  The  Ba- 
stard is  made  Emperour,  and  has  shipt  himselfe 
for  Spaine,  whither  I  purpose  to  saile  to  hinder 
His  intendements,  If  T  suruiue  the  Battell,  and  be  con- 
querour.  He  vnfitte  you  in  England,  except  the  Sea  be 
my  Sepulcher. 

Your  Friend  in  Amies, 
570  ROBERT  the  Palsgraue. 

Ill  newes,  not  suddenly  to  be  amended, 
The  Palsgraues  sicknesse  was  the  greatest  losse. 
The  Bastard  Crownd,  vncrowne  him  if  thou  canst. 
Thou  that  are  matchlesse  for  thy  Chiualrie. 
Send  but  his  head  from  Spayne,  to  tread  vpon. 
And  I  should  count  it  an  vn valued  gift. 

554.    Read   'which.' 
567.    Read  'visitte.' 


The  Palsgraue.  93 

As  for  good  Sauoy,  and  his  Gcrmainc  Friends, 
Ere  long  He  set  them  free,  or  make  the  soyle 
That  holds  them  prisoners  a  Alarsh-groiind  for  blood, 
580     Till  I  heare  newes  from  Spayne  of  good  successe. 
Each  day  I  Hue  will  be  a  yeare  of  griefe. 

Clynton.     Pleaseth  my  Lie-^-e  to  lay  aside  your  sor- 
row, 
And  with  your  Royall  person  grace  my  house, 
Clynton  will  holde  it  an  exceeding  fauour. 

Old  Fitzzv:  So  will  FitzuKiters  gratious  soueraigne. 
And  though  this  day  looke  blacke  with  my  disgrace, 
Your  Royall  presence  whites  an  Aithyops  face. 
King.  I  accept  your  kindnesse,  &  wilbe  your  Guest. 

Exeunt. 

[Act  III.     Scene  i.     Battle-field,  Mazieres,  Spain.] 

Enter  the  Palsgraue,  Cullen:    and  Peter  the  King 
of  Spayne,  Drum,  Cullors,  and  Soldiors. 

Palsg.  Next  vnto  heauen  to  you,  we  giue  the  praise, 

590     Most  zealous  King  for  our  recouery. 

And  now  my  Lord  of  Cullen  shew  }'our  selfe. 

As  good  a  Souldier  as  a  Cleargie  man. 

In  stead  of  Beades  now  vse  a  Martiall  sword. 

For  here  in  Spayne  where  the  Blacke  Prince  incampte, 

And  made  the  Bastard  flie,  our  Tents  are  pitcht. 

And  the  prowde  Foe  comes  with  a  Spleene  inrag'de, 

To  driue  vs  from  Macicres;  Harry  shall  know. 

As  hee  has  Kingly  blood  within  his  veynes. 

And  is  a  Cccsar,  hee  shall  meete  with  Cccsars. 

600         Cullen.   I  heare  their  Drummes. 

Peter.     And  I  reioyce  to  heare  Ihcm. 

Enter  to  them  the  Bastard,  Sa.von,  Mcntz,  and  Trier. 

Bastard.    The  Palsgraue  hcere,  now  wee  shall  haue 
Your  voyce  to  our  Election,  or  for  that  your  life. 


94  The  Palsgraue. 

Soxoii.    Yon  were  sicke  in  Gcnuaiiic. 
Palsgraue.     Bnt  now  reconered. 
And  hither  come  to  beate  you  out  of  Spaine. 

Trier.     He  beares   himself,   as   he   were   sure   to 

conquer. 
Mentj:.  And  looks  more  like  a  I  one  then  like  a  man. 
Palsgraue.     I  hold  my  thunder  here,  &  my  right 
arme 
Has  vigor  in  it,  when  you  feele  my  blowes 
To  giue  you  cause  to  call  them  Thunderboltes. 
6io     If  there  be  any  in  this  Martiall  Troope 

That  with  a  Soldiours  face,  has  a  bold  heart, 
And  dares  auerre  that  this  religious  prince 
Is  not  the  lawfull  and  true  King  of  Spaine, 
I  will  make  good  his  Title  by  the  sword, 
And  against  that  prowde  combattant  oppose 
My  selfe  as  challenger  to  fight  for  him. 

Bastard.     I  dare  take  vp  your  gage,  and  answere 
you. 
But  that  I  should  impaire  this  dayes  renowne. 
By  giuing  desperate  men  such  meanes  to  dye, 
620     Who  for  you  know  your  Armie  weake,  and  fewe 
Would  hazard  that  vpon  a  single  fight. 
Which  in  the  Battell  you  are  sure  to  loose. 
No  Foxlike  pollicie  shall  blind  my  sight, 
But  that  He  see  the  ruine  of  you  all. 
This  day  ith  Field,  thine  Palsgraue  and  the  rest. 
He  combats  well  rips  vp  an  Armyes  brest. 
Saxon.     He  answer  his  prowd  challenge. 
Bast.     We  forbid  it,  that  are  your  Emperor,  both 

in  stile  &  power. 
Sa.von.     In  stile,  but  not  in  power,  that  stregth  is 
mine, 
630     Except  youle  be  forsworne. 

Bastard.     This  for  an  Oath, 
Th'art  but  the  step  b)^  which  I  did  ascend, 
And  being  vp,  rest  there  till  I  descend. 


The  Palsgrane.  95 

Saxon.     Yoiile  answere  this  anon. 

Bastard.     Here,  or  else-where. 
Didst  eiier  know  a  Cccsar  that  could  feare. 

Sa.YOii.     He  stabbe  the  Bastard. 

Trier.     Worthy  Duke  desist.  {Sfaycs  him. 

Palsg:     No  Combat  then  will  be  accepted  of. 

Bastard.     In  general,  with  our  powers  in  the  ope 
field, 
But  not  betwixt  the  Generalls  priuately. 

Palsgr:   Then  you  are  Cowardes  all. 
640     He  so  proclaime  you  in  my  thundring-  Drums, 
And  by  the  gloryes  that  I  hope  to  win, 
Proue  it  this  day  to  thy  perpetuall  shame  : 
But  to  a  hartlesse  foe  words  are  but  vaine. 
Alarum  Drum,  that  showres  of  blood  may  raigne. 

Exeunt  oniiics. 

Alarum,  The  Bastards  side  beaten  off. 

Enter  in  an  excrision  Bastard,  Saxon,  Mentz,  and 
Trier. 

Bastard.     It  shall  be  treason  to  my  Fame  to  day. 
If  I  encounter  any  Foe  ith  field. 
Till  I  haue  combatted  this  drunken  Saxoti. 
Saxon.    How  Bastard,  how? 
Bast.     Bastard! 
Saxon.     What  else? 
Thou  wert  twice  misbegotten,  once  in  Nature. 
650     And  secondly,  in  being  any  prides  defalt, 
By  which  thou  art  a  Bastard  Fmperour. 

Bastard.     Stand  from  about  me,  or  He  strike  you 

dead 
Mentz.  Remember  where  you  arc  amongst  your  foes 
Who  by  your  discord  may  destroy  vs  all. 
And  this  aduantage  of  your  variance 

644.     Read  'excursion.' 


96  The  Palsgraue. 

Giues  them  the  victorie  with  easinesse. 

If  not  for  your  owne  Honours  and  your  hues, 

Forbeare  for  ours. 

Trier.     They  shah  not  combat  here  : 
He  make  my  Rotchet  crimson  hke  your  Colours, 
660     Ere  I  stand  by  and  suffer  such  a  wrong. 

Sas.     How  these  braue  Churchmen  talke. 
Bast.      Are   you   in   your    Pulpits?     Strikes   the 
Bishops  on  their  Targets,  and  fights  with  Saxon. 

Enter  Palsgraue,  Peter  and  Cullen,  zvith  Souldiers. 

Trier.     Here's  those  will  strike  you. 

Bast.     What  the  Palsgraue  come! 

Sax.  Emperour  be  wise,  &  ioyne  thy  force  to  mine, 
Till  we  haue  driuen  away  the  enemy. 
And  then  returne  to  our  old  variance. 

Ba.     I  am  Saxons  till  the  Palsgraue  dye  or  fly. 

Pa.     You  should  haue  fought  stil,  twould  haue  bin 
my  glory, 
To  haue  giuen  ayme,  &  then  the  conqueror  conquerd : 
But  what  your  variance  leaues  vnfinish  here, 
670     He  end  with  the  destruction  of  you  both. 

Bast.     We  feare  you  not. 

Pals.     Vpon  them  valiant  friends. 

Charge  vpon  them,  and  the  Bastard  taken  Prisoner 
on  the  Stage,  Saxon  and  the  Bishops  beaten  off. 

SoA'on  is  fled,  Ccesar  my  captiue  is, 

I  must  not  lose  him ;   guard  the  Emperour  sure, 

Whilst  I  pursue  the  Duke. 

Peter.     We  will. 

Bast.     Am  I  your  prisoner? 

Peter.     Not  so  good,  my  slaue. 

Citllen.     To  trample  on,  or  vse  as  he  likes  best. 

669.     Read  'vnfinisht.' 


The  Palsgraue.  97 

Bast.     We  are  Brothers. 
Peter.     Now :  but  in  your  high  estate, 
No  greater  enemy  then  you  had  I. 

Ciil.  Best  that  we  guide  him  to  the  Pahgrmics 
Tent. 

Enter  Saxon  with  two  sivords,  and  meetes  them. 

680         Saxon.     Although  he  be  Ambitious,  and  my  Foe, 
Honour  commaunds  mee  that  I  reskew  him. 
That  I  may  haue  the  honour  of  his  death, 
When  we  trye  Maisteries  in  a  single  fight. 

Peter.     Tis  Saxon,  Guarde  him  sure. 

CuUen.     To  our  best  power. 

Saxon.  No  further,  if  you  meane  to  saue  your  Hues. 
The  Palsgraues  slaine,    his   blood   wreakes   on   my 

sword. 
And  I  aduise  you  for  your  owne  discharge, 
To  giue  this  valiant  Emperour  libertie. 

Peter.     Not  whilst  wee  Hue. 

Saxon.     Helpe  to  release  your  selfe. 

Saxon  gines  him  a  sworde. 

690        Bastard.     Most  willingly. 

They  beate  of  Ciillen  the  King  of  Spayne, 

Thanks  for  your  paines,  but  yet  we  will  be  Foes. 
Saxon.     To  horse,  to  horse  and  talke  of  that  els- 
where.  Exeunt. 

Enter  againe  Cnllen  and  Peter. 

Peter.  This  was  the  most  ill  chance  that  euer 
hapned. 

Cullen.     He  saide  he  had  slaine  the  Palsgraue. 

Peter.  Twas  his  cunning  to  astonish  vs  with  feare, 
but  if  he  Hue,  how  shall  we  answer  him  for  this  mis- 
chance. 


98  The  Palsgraue. 

Cullcn.     See  where  he  comes.  I  would  the  storm 
were  past. 

Enter  Palsgraue. 

Palsgraue.  I  lost  him  in  the  preasse,  his  snowy  steed 
Was  crimsond  oner  with  the  blood  of  men, 
700     And  Lyon-like  he  fought  with  all  his  strength, 
But  since  the  Empcroiir  is  my  prisoner, 
I  shall  the  lesse  regard  the  Dukes  escape. 

Peter.    Oh  Noble  Syr,  we  haue  deceiued  your  trust, 
And  lost  the  lewell  you  bad  vs  keepe. 
Ccesar  by  Saxon  is  redeemd  and  fledde, 
And  wee  remaine  in  griefe  for  his  escape. 

Palsgraue.    When  Fortune  is  disposd'  to  crosse  a 
man. 
Valour  and  foresight  are  of  no  effect : 
Releast  by  Saxon,  and  his  Keepers  line; 
710     You  are  not  as  I  thought  you,  valiant  men  : 

But  worse  then  these  that  runne  away  for  feare. 
He  should  haue  made  passage  through  my  heart, 
Ere  scapt  from  me  by  Soxon  or  his  plots  : 
But  now  it  is  too  late  to  follow  him ; 
And  the  whole  Field  is  made  a  liquid  Sea, 
Sinke  may  they  both  into  the  crimson  fenne. 
But  why  should  they  sinke,  you  deserue  it  best : 
From  hencefoorth  He  nere  take  a  Spaniards  part, 
Except  he  had  a  far  more  valiant  heart. 
720         Peter.     Let  my  blood  speake  for  me,  faire  words 
displease. 
Palsg.     Well,  since  I  thinke  twas  weaknes  and  not 
will. 
By  which  they  are  escapt,  I  calme  my  spleene, 
And  rest  content  that  we  haue  woon  the  field. 
After  you  are  establisht  in  your  Throne, 

713.     Read  'Saxon.' 


The  Palsgraue.  99 

He  sayle  to  England  to  regreete  the  King : 
And  then  to  Germany,  where  if  we  meete, 
Bauaria's,  ayre  shall  be  his  winding-sheete. 
Retreat,  retreat,  and  thanke  heauen  for  the  day. 

[Scene  2.    Another  part  of  the  field.] 
Enter  Bastard,  Saxon,  Mentn,  and  Trier. 

Saxon.     At  your  requests  my  Lords,  I  am  con- 
tented 
730     To  receiue  this  Emperour  into  grace  and  fauour. 

Bast.  He  flouts  me,  would  you  haue  me  suffer  this  ? 
At  their  requests  they  haue  requested  me 
To  allay  my  spleene,  and  take  thee  into  fauour. 

Mentz.     Theyle  nere  be  friends. 

Trier.     Lets  leaue  them  both  to  fight. 

Bastard.     Away. 

Saxon.     Weele  force  you  else. 

Mentz.     We  are  going.  Exeunt  Bishops. 

Bast.     So,  now  I  will  imagine  that  this  ground 
Is  all  the  Empire  that  my  greatnesse  swayes : 
And  that  the  heads  of  many  rebell  Subiects 
Are  plaste  on  thee ;  that  striking  off  thy  head, 
740     I  cut  off  halfe  a  Nation  at  a  blow. 

Saj;.     And  I  the  Emperours  of  a  Nation. 

Fight,  and  Saxon  is  dozvne. 

Why  dost  not  kill  me,  since  tis  in  thy  power? 

Bast.   Thou  sau'dst  my  life,  for  that  He  set  the  free. 

Sax.    Cccsar,  thou  art  a  Noble  enemie ; 
Hencefoorth  I  vow  to  relinquish  euery  ill 
That  may  displease  thee,  and  obey  thy  will. 

Bast.     Such  be  my  conquests  ouer  those  I  loue. 

As  they  embrace,   Enter  Trier  and  Cullen. 


loo  The  Palsgraue. 

Mentz.     So,   they  are  friends,  they  haue  fought 
away  their  anger. 

Sa^v.     Has  conquer'd  me  with  courtesie  and  valour. 
750         Men.     Then  now  to  counsel  how  we  shall  proceede 
In  this  most  dangerous  warre  against  the  Palsgraue, 
Who   as  I  heare  by  firme  intelligence. 
Meanes  with  his  Fleete  to  touch  the  English  Shore, 
And  draw  the  valiant  Edzcard  to  his  part. 

Bast.    If  such  a  day  come,  twill  be  blacke  to  vs : 
For  of  all  Nations  in  the  world,  I  hate 
To  deale  with  Englishmen,  they  conquer  so. 

Saxon.     Follow  his  example,  and  lets  get  a  King 
To  take  our  part,  as  well  as  they  haue  done : 
760     France  has  beene  wasted  by  their  crueltie, 
And  cannot  but  in  spleene  desire  reuenge, 
Were  he  sollicited  to  be  our  friend. 
We  should  with  the  more  ease  be  conquerers, 

Mcntz.     Send  thither. 

Trier.     Or  sayle  thither. 

Bast.     Thats  the  best : 
But  shall  we  onely  build  our  hopes  on  strength ; 
I  thinke  twere  good  to  peece  the  Lyons  skinne 
Where  it  too  short  falls,  with  the  Foxes  skinne, 
A  couple  of  Protean  villaines  I  haue  ready, 
For  any  dangerous  attempt  in  peace, 
770     And  they  can  poyson,  stab,  and  lye  in  wayte 

Like  Serpents,  to  intrappe  and  cease  their  prey, 
Mendoza  and,  Uandome,  those  are  the  men : 
Let  them  be  call'd  in. 

Mentz.     They  are  heare,  great  Ccrsar. 
Enter  Uandome  and  Mendoza. 

Van.    Most  mightie  Emperour,  whats  your  High- 
nes  will  ? 

Bast.     That  vnto  England  presently  you  sayle, 
And  there  consort  you  with  the  Earle  of  Artoyes, 
A  Frenchman  borne,  but  one  that  loues  vs  well ; 


The  Palsgraue.  loi 

Let  him  and  you  send  vs  intelHgence 
Of  the  proceedings  of  the  Enghsh  King, 
780     With  the  haughty  Palsgraue,  giue  the   Earle  this 
Letter, 
By  which  yee  may  winne  credit  in  his  trust : 
And  er't  be  long  I  will  deuise  a  plot, 
Which  you  shall  mannage,  for  the  generall  good. 
Be  carefull,  as  you  doe  respect  our  loue. 
And  hope  for  gold  in  showres ;  meane  time  take  this. 
Mend.     Your  will  shall  be  obey'd. 
Vand.     It  shall  be  done. 
Sax.     Great  lone  can  say  no  more : 
That  State  thriues  best  that  has  such  Slaues  in  store. 
Bast.     See  our  Fleet  ready  :  and  yee  swelling  gales, 
790     That  blow  the  good  houres,  fill  our  empty  sayles. 

Exeunt, 

[Scene  3.     Boulogne,  France.] 
Enter  the  King,  the  Queene,  and  Poytieres. 

F.  King.     My  Lord  of  Poytieres,  as  you  are  in- 
form'd, 
Where  meanes  the  Emperour  and  his  trayne  to  land? 

Poyt.    Here  at  this  towne  of  Bulleigne,  &  the  newes 
Is  certaine  that  his  Mightinesse  is  neere. 

QiL     How  angry  has  the  heauens  bin  with  the  sea, 
That  it  hath  boyld  so  much,  and  cast  the  sands 
Into  such  mountaines  that  they  ouer-looke 
The  bounds  that  held  them  in. 

F.  King.    Well  may  our  friends 
Escape  the  danger  of  this  heauy  storme : 
800     Small  gusts  at  Land,  sinke  a  whole  Fleete  at  Sea; 
And  whilst  our  Cities  keepe  vs  from  their  rage, 
The  Rocks  beate  them,  as  Tennis-Courts  doe  balles. 
Ide  haue  an  Atheist  trauell  through  the  deepe, 
And  he  shall  sec  sucli  wonders,  that  his  soulc 


102  The  Palsgraue. 

Would  iTjake  him  soone  beleeue  there  is  a  God. 
But  what  fayre  Gentlewoman  haue  we  hei'e, 
Which  is  a  Ship-wrackt  creature,  comes  a  shore? 

Enter  Floramell. 

Flo.     All  wet  and  weary  with  a  boysterous  storme, 
At  last  I  haue  set  my  foote  vpon  the  Land ; 
8io     I  tremble  as  a  Feauer  shooke  my  ioynts, 
But  tis  the  Ocean  that  has  frozen  me : 
Drop  there  thou  moysture  of  a  swelling  Flood. 
And  let  me  see,  no  Fisher-man  at  hand, 
To  tell  me  in  what  Coast  I  am  arriu'd : 
Alas  I  see  none,  I  shall  dye  with  cold, 

Q.     Foytiers  speake  to  her,  giue  the  woman  com- 
fort. 

Foyt.     How  is  it  with  pretty  Gentlewoman? 

Flor.     Sir,  I  am  very  cold,  and  wet,  and  ill. 
Would  you  could  helpe  me  to  a  little  fire 
820     To  drye  my  selfe,  and  I  would  pray  for  you. 

Foyt.    Tis  now  no  time  to  reason  of  your  state : 
Here  take  my  Cloake.  A  taffata  Cloake. 

Flora.     Alasse  Sir,  tis  but  thinne. 
And  makes  me  shake  the  more  to  thinke  vpon't : 
I  would  be  shifted  into  warmer  Roabes, 
If  I  could  meete  with  some  kinde  Gentlewoman. 

Qii.    Make  vse  of  me,  you  shall  not  want  for  helpe. 

Flo.     You  seeme  to  be  of  a  Maiestique  state. 
What  should  a  poore  distressed  Gentlewoman, 
Trouble  a  person  of  such  eminence? 
830         F.  King.     Thy  state  wants  present  pitty,  women 
take  it. 

Flo.     I  haue  scene  a  King  ere  now, 
And  by  your  Diadem  you  should  be  one : 
Pray,  rather  let  me  dye  then  trouble  you. 

Qu.     Tis  perfect  charitie  to  helpe  the  poore : 
Yet  by  these  lewels,  you  should  beare  a  place. 
If  not  amongst  the  Royall,  with  the  Noble. 


The  Palsgraue.  103 

Flo.     Indeede  I  am  but  a  poore  Gentlewoman, 
Punisht  for  wearing  lewels  in  a  storme : 
But  I  haue  lost  a  husband  whom  I  lou'd, 
840     For  marying  whom,  I  haue  endur'd  this  crosse; 
And  now  his  friends,  if  they  should  finde  me  out, 
Would  finish  what  the  storme  has  left  vndone. 

Queene.     His  name? 

Flo.     Twas  Infortunio,  as  mine  is, 
With  the  alteration  of  a  letter  onely. 

Quee.     Good  Infortuna  goe  along  Avith  me, 
He  finde  some  helpe  for  this  thy  misery. 

Flo.     May  the  Sea  neuer  vse  you  of  this  fashion ; 
I  take  your  courtesie,  and  will  attend. 

Exeunt  Queene  and  Floramell. 

F.  K.    Young,  fayre,  an  lonely,  is  she  not  P oy tiers  f 
850        Poyt.     She  is  comely,  and  a  sweet  Genlewoman. 

F.  King.     In  my  opinion  shee's  the  fayrest  crea- 
ture 
Nature  ere  made. 

Poyt.     In  loue  my  gracious  Liege? 

F.  K.     What  and   my   Queen  aliue,  that  would 

seeme  strange. 
Poyt.     Loue  does  regard  no  person,  nor  the  time. 
F.  King.    Loue  is  a  power  will  ouer-rule  a  King. 
Poyt.    Finding  her  honest,  though  of  meane  estate, 
You  may  doe  well  to  rayse  poore  vertue  vp, 
And  marry  her  to  some  great  Nobleman. 

F.  K.  He  thinke  of  that  hereafter :  now,  the  newes  ? 

Enter  Queene. 

860         Qu.     The  Emperour  and  the  Electors  are  arriu'd. 

Enter  Bastard,  Saxon,  Ments,  and  Trier. 

843.     Read  'Jnfortuno.' 
850.     Read  'Gentlewoman.' 


104  The  Palsgraue. 

Bast.     Health  to  the  IMaiestie  and  Seate  of  France. 

F.  King.     As  welcome  hither  is  your  Mightinesse, 
As  if  you  were  arriu'd  in  Germany. 

Bast.     I  thanke  King  lohn. 

F.  King.     Saxon,  with  Mentz,  and  Trier. 

Saxon.     We  rest  your  louing  friend  for  Warre. 

Trier.     For  Counsell. 

F.  King.  And  Counsell  is  as  great  a  friend  as  War. 

Mentc.     It  hath  preuaild  as  much. 

Quecnc.    Thrice  welcome  all. 

Bast.     The  storme  has  kept  vs  ouerlong  at  Sea : 
But  Mighty  King  of  France,  worse  stormes  then  these 
870     Haue  and  will  shake  vs,  if  you  helpe  vs  not : 

All  things  goe  Backwards,  that  should  bode  vs  good; 

And  he  that  is  Conqueror  already, 

The  haughty  Palsgraue,  is  to  England  sayld, 

To  ioyne  with  Edzvard  in  our  ouerthrow. 

F.  Ki.     We  haue  felt  the  valour  of  the  English 
King, 
And  of  his  sonne,  the  Blacke  Prince  now  deceased : 
Witnes  Poytiers  and  Cresscy,  where  our  blood 
Royall,  although  it  be  sau'd  to  make  clay 
Moyst  with  the  showers,  and  temper  the  dry  earth : 
880     When  I  and  all  my  sonnes  were  prisoners  tane. 
And  had  to  England  to  be  wondred  at : 
Ransom'd  although  I  was,  it  grieues  me  much 
I  cannot  doe  the  like  vnto  my  foe. 

Sa.     Let  your  French  Souldiers  ioyne  themselues 
with  ours, 
Aud  weele  inuade  his  Kingdome. 

Bast.    And  constraine  him  &  the  Palsgraue  to  the 
like  disgrace. 

Me.     Fortune  was  neuer  stedfast  vnto  any. 
But  like  the  Ocean  that  bounds  in  the  Land, 

885.     Read  'And.' 


The  Palsgraue.  105 

Both  ebbs  and  flowes  according  to  the  Moone. 
890  Qtiee.     But  if  I  might  aduise  your  Maiestie, 

By  former  losses  you  should  be  more  wise, 
Then  hazzard  France  againe  to  the  like  spoyle : 
Edzvard  is  fortunate  in  all  his  warres ; 
And  wise  men  will  not  striue  against  the  streame: 
Therefore  be  circumspect,  and  keepe  your  owne. 
F.  K.    This  theame  our  counsel  shal  at  large  dis- 
cusse, 
Till  when,  to  England,  weele  Ambassage  send, 
To  aduise  King  Edzvord  not  to  be  our  foe, 
Lest  it  offend  vs,  that  are  friends  to  both : 
900     If  the  Done  speede  not,  weele  the  Serpent  proue. 

Sax.     And  winne  by  craft,  what  may  not  be  by 
loue. 
Who  shall  haue  that  imployment  ? 

Basf.     Not   your   Honor,    because   your   spirit   is 

rojLigh  and  turbulent. 
F.  K.     No,  if  I  might  intreat  these  reuerend  Bish- 
ops, 
By  them  I  would  direct  this  Embassie : 
Since  it  concernes  them,  it  behooues  they  stirre, 
Who  know  the  sweetes,  will  cause  no  warre. 

Trier.    Weele  vndertake  it,  if  the  Emperour  please. 
Bast.    When  I  send  thither,  it  shall  be  in  thunder : 
910     Yet  as  the  French  King  orders  it  proceede. 

F.  K.    You  know  your  charge,  be  milde,  but  yet  not 
base. 
Though  we  giue  ground,  we  will  not  lose  our  place. 

Manet  Sa.vou.  Exeunt. 

Saxon,    Euen  now  a  bold  conceit  hath  entered  me, 
And  thats  to  visit  England  in  disguise : 
As  well  to  further  our  conspiracie 
Against  the  Palsgraue  and  King  Edzvard s  life, 
As  to  surueigh  the  Countrey,  and  obserue 


io6  The  Palsgraue. 

What  Hauens  best  to  entertaine  a  Fleete : 
The  Enghsh  Nation  with  my  soule  I  hate, 
920     And  would  doe  any  thing  to  winne  the  State.    Exit. 

[Act  IV.     Scene  I.     King  Edzvard's  palace.] 

Enter  Edward,  Clynton,  olde  Fytswaters,  the  Pals- 
graue, Cullen,  and  others. 

King.     Not  possible  my  Lords  to  finde  those  men  ? 
Are  they  so  wily  to  deceiue  vs  all  ? 
Sure  they  are  harboured  by  some  neere  about, 
That  does  affect  the  English  Diadem : 
He's    worse    then    mad    would    ayme   at    Englands 

Crowne. 
Though  the  Blacke  Prince  be  dead,  so  many  sonnes 
I  haue  left  to  gouerne,  which  marres  their  rule. 
Edzvard  himselfe  has  left  a  hopefull  heyre, 
The  Princely  Richard  to  inherit  it. 
930     Plots  yet,  tricks  yet,  well  we  must  hope  the  best. 

Pals.     I  rather  thinke  the  ill  was  aymd  at  me, 
Because  I  came  to  mooue  your  Maiestie 
For  the  deposing  of  the  Emperour : 
And  it  is  knowne  the  Bastard  is  my  foe, 
Witnesse  the  Warres  in  Germany  and  Spayne: 
Treason  by  him  is  euermore  in  act. 
His  brayne  coynes  faster  then  the  English  Mynt ; 
Tretcherous  proceedings,  gold  has  many  friends  : 
And  he  must  be  a  man  of  excellent  vertue 
940     Whom  it  corrupts  not.    Howsoere,  I  am  sorry 
The  Saylors  did  escape. 

Clyn.     Here  are  their  cases.     2.  Saylors  canims 
Suits. 
Vnder  the  which  I  thinke  were  better  cloathes, 
And  for  their  Steedes,  thought  could  not  be  more 

quicke, 
Or  we  had  tooke  them. 


The  Palsgraue.  107 

O  Fyfit;,.     They  were  swift  indeed. 

King.     As   swiftly   with   their   flight   vanish   our 
feares. 
And  now  most  Noble  Palsgraue  of  the  Rheine, 
Thinke  your  selfe  welcome  to  the  English  Court : 
And  reuerend  Ciillcn. 

Cullcn.     I  doe  thanke  your  Grace. 

King.  Your  Father  lou'd  me  well,  and  for  his  sake, 
950     As  well  as  for  your  owne,  He  honour  you  : 
And  after  feasting  we  will  try  your  force 
In  friendly  manner  at  a  Tournament, 
Which  as  I  thinke,  you  haue  prepard  my  Lords. 

O.  F.     We  haue  my  Liege,  &  the  most  youthful 
blood 
That  the  Court  yeelds  will  shew  their  Chiualdry, 
In  honour  of  Bauaria's  Royall  Duke. 

Palsg.     Let  him  sit  fast  that  shall  contend  with  me. 
Or  I  shall  shake  him,  be  he  nere  so  Royall : 
I  shew  no  fauour  when  I  am  in  Armes, 
960     Nor  looke  for  any  from  my  Opposites. 

But  Turnaments  are  reuels  made  for  sport. 
And  hee  runnes  well,  that  gets  a  good  report. 

King:    Weele  trie  your  valour,  &  perchance  run 
with  you. 
Leade  on.  Exeunt. 

[Scene  2.     Apartments  of  the  Earl  of  Artoise.] 

Enter  the  Earle  of  Artoise. 

Artoise.     The  discontented  English  like  to  mee. 
Hates  all  delight,  I  and  the  Court  it  selfe: 
To  lead  a  priuate  life,  where  they  may  plot 
Reuenge  on  those  that  are  thcyr  oi)posites. 
Not  many  yeares  past,  who  but  I  estcem'd, 
970     King  Edward  has  vpon  my  shoulder  leand, 


io8  The  Palsgraue. 

And  thankt  mee  in  mine  eare  many  a  time. 
For  making  Frauncc  his.  I  betraid  Ualoys 
My  soneraigne  King,  in  Englmid  to  get  grace : 
And  now  I  lookte  to  l)e  a  Duke  at  least : 
Artoise  is  sleighted  as  a  thing  forgot, 
But  I  haue  sent  my  x^ttendant  to  the  Court, 
And  if  he  speed  not,  I  shall  prone  as  false 
Edzvard  to  thee,  as  to  my  Natiue  French. 

Enter  a  Scruant. 

Scriiant.     The  King  is  not  at  leysure 
980     To  listen  to  your  sute;  All  his  thoughts  now 
Are  taken  vp  to  giue  the  Palsgraue  grace. 
Who  is  come  to  Court,  and  meanes  to  Turney  there 
Art.  Treason  run  with  them,  or  som  dangerous  plot, 
Take  life  and  being  to  destroy  them  both; 
Must  my  affaires  giue  place  vnto  a  Palsgraue? 
T'was  I  that  quartered  with  the  English  Lyons, 
The  Armes  of  France,  in  opening  Edwards  Title, 
Which  but  for  mee  had  in  obliuion  slept. 
Then  I  was  as  the  Palsgraue  in  his  brest. 
990     My  sight  his  foode.  my  saying,  his  harts  rest. 

Who's  that,  that  knocks,  look  forth,  &  bring  vs  word? 
Seru.  A  couple  of  Gentlemen  would  speak  with  you. 
Arto.     Let  them  com  in,  were  they  a  pair  of  mis- 
chiefs, 
They  are  welcome  now.     For  I  haue  thoughts  like 

Hell, 
Blacke  and  confusde. 

Enter  Uandomc  and  Mendozze. 

Sent.    These  are  the  Gentlemen. 

Uandomc.     Our    busines    is    to    you    most    noble 
Artoise, 
The  Enipcrour  does  salute  you  in  this  Letter, 
And  prayes  you  by  the  Honour  of  an  Earle, 


The  Palsgraue.  109 

You  faile  not  to  conioyne  your  ayde  with  ours, 
1000     About  some  plot  against  his  Enemies. 

Artoise.    The  Letter  speaks  the  words,  but  names 

no  plot. 
Mendo:   Tis  not  deuisd  as  yet,  but  ere  long  great 
Casar 
Will  set  it  downe,  and  send  it  to  vs  all. 
Now  as  his  Mightinesse  desires  is  this, 
That  you  giue  shelter  to  vs  while  wee  stay 
For  his  Affaires  in  England,  and  your  i>ension 
Which  euery  yeare  you  haue  receiued  from  him, 
Shall  from  henceforth  be  doubled  with  his  loue. 
Artoise.    Ccusar  is  gracious,  and  has  my  hart : 
loio     But  were  not  you  the  Seruants  that  attended 
On  the  last  Emperour  that  was  made  away, 
And  helpt  to  send  him  to  a  timelesse  graue? 
Uandome.     We  were  my  Lord. 
Artoise.     Let  me  embrace  you  in  mine  amies  for 

that. 
Mendo:   But  that  ill  speed  followed  our  hopes  to 
day. 
We  had  giuen  a  period  to  King  Edzvards  life. 
And  to  the  Palsgraues. 

Uandome.    Wee  attempted  it. 
Habited  like  Saylers,  but  our  pistolls  failde, 
And  after  long  pursute,  our  Roabes  throwne  off, 
1020     We  escapte  with  life. 

Mendo::ae.    And  come  to  line  with  you. 
Artoise.    Line  here  as  safe  as  in  a  Fort  of  brasse. 
Such  men  I  wisht  for  to  assist  my  spleene, 
Vnto  one  marke  all  our  affections  tend. 
And  they  both  dye  if  that  the  Emperour  send. 

Exeunt. 


no  The  Palsgraue. 

[Scene  2.     Another  room  in  King  Ediimrd's  palace] 
The  Trumpets  sound  7inthin  as  at  a  Tournamait: 
A  great  shoutc. 
Enter  old  Fytzwatcrs  and  Clynton. 

O.  Fytc.    Did  yon  ere  see  a  better  Tonrnament, 
Or  brauer  Runners  then  this  day  appear' d 
In  the  Tilt-yard? 

Clyfi.     The  best  that  ere  I  saw. 
What  a  braue  Horse  the  Palsgraue  rid  vpon, 
And  with  what  courage,  nimblenesse,  and  strength, 
1030     Did  he  vnhorse  his  vaHant  opposites? 

Speares  flew  in  sphnters,  halfe  the  way  to  heauen, 
And  none  that  ranne  against  him  kept  his  saddle. 
Except  the  King,  and  he  demeand  him  well : 
It  ioyes  my  soule,  that  he  has  yet  in  store 
Such  manly  vigor ;   and  the  peoples  hearts 
Were  not  a  little  glad. 

O.  Fytz.    Here  they  come  all. 
Enter  King  Edward,  Palsgraue,  Cullen,  and  others. 

King.  I  feare  you  are  ouer-wearied  with  our  sports, 
To  speake  the  truth,  I  feele  them  troublesome, 
1040     Whether  it  be  by  discontinuancce  or  age,  I  know  not, 
But  my  breath  growes  short. 

Pals.    What  Oke  is  euer  strong?  age  makes  I  ones 
tree, 
The  fayrest  King,  and  Emperour  of  the  wood. 
To  bend  it  selfe,  and  bow  his  lofty  armes 
Downewards  vnto  the  earth  that  fostred  it. 
No  C coder  growes  straight  till  his  latest  day : 
As  there's  a  weaknesse  in  their  springing  vp. 
So  is  there  in  their  declination. 
The  middle  age  the  lust}'  does  exiM'esse, 

1040.     Read  'discontinuance.' 


The  Palsgraue.  ill 

1050     And  there  flowes  vigor,  Hke  a  sea  of  strength, 

Able  to  beare  downe  what  doth  stand  the  streame : 
Such  is  mine  now ;  but  as  my  yeers  doe  flow, 
Like  Okes  and  Ccrdcrs  they  must  straight  bow  low. 
King.    Sit  by  our  side,  and  weare  a  Cccsars  wreath. 

A  Wreath  of  Laurell. 

Palsgr.    Victorious  Edward  keepe  it  as  your  right, 
And  let  it  mingle  with  your  Royall  Crowne, 
That  haue  deseru'd  it  in  the  field  of  warre. 
Not  as  tis  mine,  giuen  for  a  Turnament. 

King.    It  is  our  gifte,  and  you  shall  weare  it  still, 
1060     Bring  forth  the  other  honour  wee  intend 
Vnto  this  thrice  renowned  Gentleman. 

Enter  an  Herauld,  with  a  fadre  Cushion,  o-iui  the 
Garter  vppon  it. 

Herald.     My  gratious  Liege  here  is  the   Garter 

ready. 
King.    Which  to  the  Palsgraue  we  command  you 
beare, 
Garter  and  Herald  heere  presents  your  Honour 
With  the  Order  of  the  Garter,  whence  he  takes 
His  Office  and  his  Name,  by  our  Decree : 
This  is  a  fauour  which  no  Forraine  Prin-ce 
Euer  enioyd  yet,  but  the  time  may  come 
When  Kings  in  seeking  it  may  be  instald, 
1070     It  was  my  Institution,  and  is  worne 

By  none  but  the  most  Noble,  and  tiiose  fewe 
Hereafter  I  will  tell  your  Excellence 
The  Motiue  why  the  Order  was  deuisd' : 
Meane  time  his  hand  shall  claspe  it  to  your  Lcgge, 
For  tis  a  custome  which  you  must  not  breake. 

Palsgr:   Your  Highnes  honours  mee  exceedingly. 
King.     You  are  now  my  F el loinh Knight,  and  you 
must  sweare, 


112  The  Palsgraue. 

To  figlit  for  Ladies,  &  their  Fames  preseriie. 
But  that  wee  leaue  to  Deputation, 
To  fight  for  Ladies,  &  their  Fames  preserue. 
1080     It  shall  suffice  now,  say  on,  passe  your  word. 

[Palsg.'\      My  Word  and  Oath,  so  please  your  Ma- 
iestie, 
The  Motto,  as  I  red  it  was  in  French, 
Honny  soil  qui  Mai  y  pense: 
111  be  his  meede  makes  goodnesse  an  offence : 
Or,  Euill  bee  to  him  that  euill  thinkes. 
I  haue  learnt  the  sence,  the  Order  I  will  keepe 
Inuiolate,  by  Hand  and  by  my  Sword ; 
And  hope  in  time  it  shall  as  famous  prooue, 
As  that  of  Malta  or  lerusalems. 
1090         Clinton.    The  Bishops,  Mentz,  &  Trier,  sent  from 
France, 
By  the  French  King  desire  to  be  admitted. 
With  them  associate  comes  the  bold  Poytiers, 
But  as  I  thinke  hee's  no  Embassadour. 

King.    Giue  them  admittance. 
We  could  not  wish  for  a  more  braue  assemblie, 
Then  at  this  instant  to  giue  Audience. 

Enter  Mentjj  and  Trier,  and  Saxon  disguised 
like  a  Frenchman. 

Mentz.  Because  the  matter  does  concerne  our  selues 
Most  mighty  King  of  England,  we  haue  taken 
This  Embassie  in  hand,  not  sent  by  Ccesar, 
1 100     But  from  your  Neighbour,  the  great  King  of  Frcntcr: 
Who  by  vs  first  intreates,  after  enioynes 
You  take  good  heede  how  you  the  Palsgraue  aide, 
For  that  he  sayes,  and  will  maintaine  asniuch. 
It  were  vniust  now  Ccesar  to  depose, 
Who  by  his  valour,  if  all  Titles  faile, 
Merits  the  honour  of  an  Emperour. 

1 103.     Read  'as  much.' 


The  Palsgraue.  113 

Trier.    And  that  lie  is  peerlesse  for  his  minde, 
And  haughty  resolution  through  the  world, 
That  none  so  well  as  hee  deserues  the  stile, 
mo     And  being  inuested  in  the  dignitie, 

Twere  a  dishonour  great  and  Capitall, 
Now  to  constraine  him  to  a  lower  place : 
Which  if  you  seeke,  heele  shield  from  such  disgrace. 
King.     Has  France  forgot  our  former  victories, 
That  his  Commission  is  so  peremptorie? 
Or  is  it  but  the  Stratageme  of  Cccsar, 
To  blinde  vs  with  the  Name  of  the  Frence  King? 
And  lohn  of  France  be  ignorant  of  this, 
Before  we  answere  your  prowde  Embassie, 
1 120     Weel  send  Embassadours  to  know  the  truth: 
And  if  we  be  deceiu'd  by  a  tricke, 
Cccsar  shall  know  he  has  dishonourd  vs. 

So'Xon.    I  am  a  Frenchman,  and  a  Peere  of  France, 
My  name  Poyctiers,  but  no  Ambassadour. 
Yet  by  the  Honours  that  my  sword  hath  wonne, 
King  lohn  of  France  deliuered  what  they  spake. 

King.  Being  no  Embassadour,  why  came  you  hither 
To  be  a  Spye,  and  to  surueigh  my  Land  ? 

Sajron.  A  Spye,  one  of  my  blood  without  disguise, 
1 130     Being  the  first  Reuealer  of  my  selfe. 

How  can  this  hold  King  Edward  to  be  true? 
I  vse  no  Intelligence  but  with  my  sword  : 
Nor  seeke  for  other  corners  then  deepe  wounds. 
So  if  I  come  by  any  great  mans  hart 
In  honourable  difference  I  surueigh  it. 
Palsgraue.  At  whose  hart  aime  you  now,  tliat  you 
are  come? 
To  iustifie  an  Embassage  against  mee? 

Sojcon.    I  say  who  weares  the  Germaine  Diadem 
Deserues  it  better  then  the  best  that's  here; 
1 140     Or  any  whom  the  English  King,  or  thou 

For  priuate  reasons  wouldst  preferre  to  wearc  it. 


114  The  Palsgraue. 

And  that  it  is  not  honour  prompts  you  to  it ; 
But  secret  pride,  to  haue  a  person  gouerne, 
Which  Palsgraue,  thou  mightst  rule  ambitiously. 
Palsgr:  Thou  fowl-mouth'd  sladerer  eat  thy  prowd 
words  vp, 
Wherwith  thou  hast  asperst  me;  or  by  my  furie 
Shall  make  thee  curse  this  bold-fac'te  impudence. 
Saxon.    Come,  Come,  you  cannot  doe  it. 
Palsgraue.     Cannot. 

Saxon.      Nor   dare.     He  stand   the   furie  of  thy 
prowdest  shocke, 
1 1 50     Not  fearing  danger  in  so  sleight  a  Foe: 

Should  I  put  off  these  Masks,  my  wounds  would 

fright, 
And  these  wide  mouthes  which  I  haue  got  in  warre 
Not  halfe  heald  vp,  pronounce  it  in  thy  blood. 
Thou  art  too  weake  to  enter  Armes  with  mee. 

Palsgraue.     Since  mildnesse  cannot  temper  your 
stern  wrath, 
But  that  your  splene  must  vomit  vpon  mee. 
He  teach  you  Syr  to  haue  your  tongue  lockt  vp. 
By  taking  off  your  locke.  {Pulls  off  his  locke. 

Saxon.    My  haire  tome  off.  {They  part  them. 

Palsgr.     Who  haue  we  here?     This  is  the  hauty 
Saxon. 
1 1 60         Saxon.     Grant  me  the  combat  Edward,  of  this 
Palsgraue. 
King.    He  is  a  prince  himselfe,  &  knowes  his  power 
Palsgraue.     Now  by  the  honour  of  my  Fathers 
house, 
Saxon  He  meete  thee  in  the  Realme  of  France, 
In  the  Kings  Court,  or  place  where  thou  wert  borne, 
So  I  may  haue  good  Hostage,  and  faire  play. 

Saxon.     Now  by  my  gage  thou  shalt.  {His  gloue. 
Palsgr:    This  shall  suffise. 
I  haue  your  locke  to  mee  a  better  pledge. 


The  Palsgraue.  115 

Saxofi.    I  would  I  had  thy  head  to  countertiayle  it. 
A  whyrl-winde  be  thy  guide,  and  a  rough  Sea 
1 170     Plague  thee  before  thou  comst  for  my  haires  losse, 
Hel  &  som  Deuill  was  author  of  this  crosse 

Exit  Saxo. 
King.   You  haue  payd  him  soundly  and  deseruedly. 
But  now  to  answere  you  in  briefe,  tis  thus, 
The  Palsgraue  and  our  selfe  will  see  the  King 
With  expedition,  where  (if  hee  make  good 
The  prowd  Iniunction  you  haue  chargde  vs  with. 
We  will  lay  wast  his  Countrey,  and  once  more 
Put  France  in  hazard  of  a  sound  losse. 

Palsgraue.     This  Saxons  braue,  giues  courage  to 
vs  all. 
1 1 80     But  He  requite  it  with  a  Germaine  braule. 

[Scene  4.    Apartments  of  the  Earl  of  Artoise.] 

Enter  Saxon,  Artoise,  Uandome,  and  Mcndoza, 
Trier,  and  Cull  en. 

Sax.    You  are  the  cause  next  to  disgrace  the  Pals- 
graue 
For  which  I  came.    The  Empcrour  greetes  you  well, 
And  would  haue  noble  Artoise  lend  his  hand, 
Both  to  cut  off  Bauaria  and  the  King. 

Artoise.     Where  ? 

Mentz.     Here  in  England. 

Trier.     Or  what  place  you  will. 

Uandome.    France  is  the  safer  for  the  Stratagem. 

Mend  OS.      And  Edward    is    determined    to    saile 
thither. 

Saxon.     In  Fr amice  then  giue  it  birth. 
Where  if  it  fayle  He  be  the  Palgraues  death.  Exeunt. 


1 1 6  The  Palsgraue, 

[Scene  5.     Palace  of  the  Frcnce  king.'\ 
Enter  French  King  solus. 

1 190         F.  King.     The  care  of  Kingdomes  is  a  weighty 
charge 
So  is  the  care  of  children.    But  Loucs  care 
Exceeds  them  all :   That  dryes  the  blood  of  life 
More  then  the  Feauer,  though  they  burne  like  Fire : 
And  to  submit  it  to  the  law  of  reason, 
Makes  reason  follie,  and  discourse  a  Foole, 
Then  irresistable  all  ruling  power 
Reuell  in  young  mens  hearts,  aivl  leaue  the  olde, 
Or  meddle  with  inferiours,  not  with  Kings ; 
We  should  be  priuiledged,  because  most  high, 

1200     But  what's  a  King  vnto  a  Deitie? 

Enter  Floramell,  with  a  Napkin,  and  a  cup  of  Wine. 

FlorameU.    Your  Maiestie  call'd  for  a  cup  of  wine. 

F.  King.     I  did  faire  creature,  &  I   thank  your 
paines. 
But  when  I  view  the  colour  of  your  lippe, 
And  looke  on  this,  the  wine  me  thinks  lookes  pale : 
You  haue  a  better  luster  in  your  eye, 
Then  any  sparkle  that  can  rise  from  hence  : 
The  siluer  whitenesse  that  adornes  thy  necke, 
Sullyes  the  plate,  and  makes  the  Napkin  blacke. 
Thy  looking  well,  makes  all  things  else  looke  fowle, 
12 10     Being  so  faire  in  bodie,  what's  thy  soule? 

Floram.    My  soule  and  body  are  the  gift  of  heauen, 
And  I  will  vse  them  to  my  Makers  praise : 
If  other  seruice  (great  King)  you  require, 
I  am  ready,  attend  your  hearts  desire. 

F.  King.     I  think  sweet  creature,  what  thy  tongue 
has  vtterd 
Is  distant  many  paces  from  thy  heart. 
My  hearts  desire,  tis  not  in  bending  low, 


The  Palsgrane.  117 

After  the  afficious  custome  of  a  Court : 
Nor  lyes  it  in  the  vse  of  common  things, 

1220     To  bring  and  take  away;  my  hearts  desire 
Is  to  enioy  thee  in  another  sort, 
Which  if  thou  yeeld  vnto,  thou  shalt  be  great, 
Greatest  in  France,  next,  nay  before  my  Queene: 
For  He  finde  meanes  to  take  away  her  Hfe, 
So  I  may  haue  thee  as  a  second  wife. 

Flora.    The  Saint  of  France  forbid  it,  &  all  powers, 
That  haue  continued  both  so  long  together 
In  sacred  rites  of  Mariage,  heauen  deny 
I  should  be  Authour  of  her  Tragedy : 

1230     Or  giue  content  where  murther  is  oppos'd. 

If  I  should  yeeld,  and  your  Queene  made  away, 

Might  you  not  vse  me  so  another  day? 

Tis  fearefull  building  vpon  any  sinne, 

One  mischiefe  entred,  brings  another  in  : 

The  second  pulls  a  third,  the  third  drawes  more, 

And  they  for  all  the  rest  set  ope  the  dore : 

Till  custome  take  away  the  iudging  sence. 

That  to  offend  we  thinke  it  no  offence. 

Wherefore  my  Lord,  kill  mischiefe  while  tis  small, 

1240     So  by  degrees  you  may  destroy  it  all. 

F.  King.   Deuine  is  tliy  discourse,  like  to  thy  l)eauty. 
Flo.    Doe  not  Idolatrize,  beauties  a  llowre, 
Which  springs  and  withers  almost  in  an  houre: 
Sicknesse  impayres  it,  but  death  kills  it  quite, 
It  vades  as  fast  as  shaddowes  in  the  night. 
Why  should  your  Grace  call  it  Diuinitie? 
There's  nought  diuine,  but  that  which  cannot  dye. 
Least  T  offend  l)y  staying  here  too  long. 
He  take  my  leaue,  and  so  curbc  in  my  tongue. 

1250,  F.  King     Speake  still.  He  licarc  thee. 

Flor.     To  our  Sex  tis  bard,  (E.vit  Floramrll 

We  should  be  twice  scene,  ere  we  be  once  heard. 

1218.     Read  'officious.' 


Ii8  The  Palsgraue. 

F.  K.    Shee'll  neuer  yeeld !  why  do  I  woo  her  then? 
Because  I  cannot  bridle  my  desires, 
Nor  sleepe,  nor  eate,  but  as  I  dreame  of  her : 
Shee's  to  me  as  my  Genius,  or  my  soule; 
And  more  then  they,  because  she  gouernes  them. 
Some  way  He  take,  my  freedome  to  recouer : 
That  there's  no  physicke  made  to  cure  a  Louer ! 

Enter  the  French  Qtieene. 

Queenc.    My  Lord. 

F.  King.    My  Loue. 

Quecne.    Yes. 

F.  King.     Infortuna. 
1260         Quecne.     How!    Infortuna? 

F.  K.     I  mistooke  thy  name: 
Yet  now  I  thinke  on't,  I  had  busie  thoughts 
How  I  might  raise  that  Virgin  to  some  Honour, 
And  match  her  with  some  worthy  Peere  of  France. 

Qu.    Your  selfe  my  Lord  in  some  Adulterate  kinde. 

F.  K.     Nay  then  you  wrong  me,  I  meant  ver- 
tuously ; 
Beleeue  me  Sweet  I  did,  I  loue  thee  so, 
No  euill  thought  should  make  me  wrong  thy  bed, 
By  this  it  shall  not,  this,  and  this,  my  Loue.    Kisses 
her. 

Quecne.    You  flatter  me. 

F.  K.     I  loue  thee  as  I  should  : 
1270     What,  we  haue  liu'd  together  twenty  yeeres. 
And  neuer  wrongd  each  other,  should  I  now 
Be  the  first  causer  of  the  marriage  breach  ? 
Banish  such  thoughts,  let  all  mistrust  begon. 
If  she  grow  iealous,  I  am  twice  vndone.  Exit  F.  King. 

Quee.    He  haue  about  with  her,  to  finde  out  all. 
Within  there.  Enter  Floramell. 

Flo.     Madame. 


The  Palsgraue.  119 

Queene.    What  Medea  was't, 
Of  whom  you  learnt  the  Art  of  Socery, 
To  inchaunt  a  King,  and  draw  him  to  your  bed  ? 
Thinke  you,  because  you  are  my  Mayd  of  Honour, 

1280     He  honour  you  so  farre,  to  haue  my  Lord, 
Thou  shamelesse  Callet?  tis  ingratitude, 
Into  my  Husbands  heart  so  to  intrude. 
I  could  haue  helpt  thee  to  a  wealthy  choyce, 
Had  you  spar'd  mine;   but  now  it  cannot  be, 
For  I  must  hate  thee  for  thy  tretchery. 

Flo.     I  am  accus'd,  that  ought  to  be  excus'd, 
And  blam'd  as  one  vnchaste,  for  being  chaste. 
I  Inchaunt  the  King,  and  vse  Medeas  Art? 
Witch-craft  I  haue  alwaies  hated  with  my  heart : 

1290     And  except  Modestie  a  Circe  be, 
I  know  no  other  kinde  of  Socery. 
Your  Highnesse  sent  me  with  a  Cup  of  Wine 
Vnto  the  King,  the  occasion  of  his  wooing ; 
Was  it  my  fault  to  doe  your  Highnesse  will  ? 
ludge  gracious  Maiestie  but  as  you  ought. 
And  doe  not  blame  me  for  a  Virgins  tryall : 
His  loue  was  answered  with  a  strong  denyall ; 
And  so  deny'd  for  euer  shall  he  be, 
That  seekes  by  such  meanes  to  dishonour  me. 

1300     Before  I  wrong  a  Queene  so  truely  kinde, 

He  marre  my  face,  and  make  my  sad  eyes  blinde. 

Queene.     In.  Exit  FIoramcIL 

Weele  consider  farther  of  your  teares  : 
He  haue  her  watcht,  if  she  prooues  false,  she  dyes; 
But  if  continue  constant  to  the  end, 
Neuer  had  Lady  a  more  Royall  friend.  Exit. 

[Scene  6.     An  island  in  t/ie  English  Channel'] 
Enter  youn<^  Fil.TiCaters  aloft. 

Y.  Fytn.     Since  I  was  cast  vpon  this  fatall  Rocke, 
And  saw  my  Loue  disseuered  by  the  wanes, 


120  The  Palsgraue. 

And  my  kinde  Steward  in  the  Ocean  drownd, 
Here  I  haue  Hu'd,  fed  onely  with  raw  Fish, 

13 10     Such  as  the  Sea  yeelds  :  and  each  Shippe  I  see, 
(As  dayly  there  are  some  furrow  this  way) 
I  call  vnto  for  ayde,  but  nere  the  neere. 
Once  ask't  me,  What  I  was  ?    I  answer'd  him, 
An  Englishman.    Quoth  he.  Stay  there  and  sfarite. 
,     To  the  next  that  past,  I  sayd  I  was  a  French-borne. 
He  ayde  no  French  quoth  he.    Vnto  a  third, 
That  I  a  Spaniard  was.    He  bad  me  hang: 
So  that  I  know  not  what  I  ought  to  say, 
Nor  whom  to  speake  to :  but  in  happy  time, 

1320     From  this  high  Rocke.  I  see  a  tall  Shippe  come, 
Furnisht  with  all  his  Sayles ;  and  as  it  ploughes 
The  Ocean  vp,  it  rayses  hills  of  snow. 
That  fly  on  both  sides  as  they  did  giue  way, 
To  make  a  valley  for  the  Shippe  to  passe : 
Their  Captaine  as  I  thinke  lookes  vpon  me. 
And  has  tooke  notice  of  my  waning  hand. 
Now  the  Ship  turnes  and  this  way  ploughes  amaine, 
As  if  it  meant  to  runne  itself  aground : 
In  happy  time,  now  I  shall  be  relieu'd. 

Enter  Saxon,  Artoise,  Menf::,  Uandome, 
and  Mcndoza. 

1330         Saxon.    Twas  heere  abouts  the  Gallant  beckned  me, 
He  seemes  a  person  of  some  eminence, 
By  the  glittering  of  his  Suite  against  the  Sunne, 
Cast  Anker  here,  and  let  vs  question  him. 

Men.    Yonder  he  stands,  mounted  vpon  the  rocke. 
Sax.    The  very  same.     What  art  thou,  whats  thy 
name? 
Thy  place  of  birth,  fortune,  and  parentage. 
That  thou  are  left  vpon  this  desolate  shore? 
And  what  requirest  thou  stranger  at  our  hands  ? 
13 13.     Read  'One.' 


The  Palsgraue.  121 

Y.  Eit£.     As  you  are  men,  and  therefore  may  be 
crost, 
1340     Be  fauorable  to  a  wretched  man  : 

Know,  that  the  Sea  has  cast  me  on  this  place, 
Where  I  haue  led  a  discontented  life, 
Ere  since  the  last  storme,  and  no  passenger 
Has  taken  pitty  to  remootie  me  hence. 
Though  food  I  want  not,  cause  the  sea  yeelds  fish, 
I  would  be  shifted  to  a  better  place. 
My  name's  Fitczvatcrs,  by  my  byrth  a  Lord : 
My  naturall  residence  in  England  was, 
Some  of  your  company  I  haue  often  scene ; 
1350     Set  me  aland  where  dwell  inhabitants, 
And  thankfully  I  will  requite  your  loue. 

Artoy.  Tis  young  Fytzwaters,  pray  sir  take  him  in. 

Sax.     You  know  my  hatred  to  all  Englishmen, 
Since  my  disgrace,  and  shall  I  pitty  him  ? 

Ment.     But  he's  descended  of  a  Noble  house. 

Sax.     The  more  should  I  reioyce  to  see  him  dye. 

Trier.    Has  valour. 

Sax.    Let  him  vse  it  on  the  Rocks. 

Uand.    But  euery  enemie  1)eares  not  your  minde. 
Some  haue  beene  fauourable  to  their  foes. 
1360         Mend.    And  tis  an  honour  in  an  enemie 
To  saue  where  he  may  kill. 

Y.  Fytrj.    Your  answere  there? 

Sa>x.    You  speake  as  you'd  compell  it. 

Y.  Fyt.z.    In  the  lionourable  entercourse  of  men 
I  should  doe  so,  and  were  you  in  my  case. 
You  would  inforce  your  owne  ncccssitie. 

Sa.     What  would  this  Stranger  be  in  prosperous 
state, 
That  beares  so  high  a  mindc  in  liis  distress? 

Y.  Fytz.    I  would  be  as  thou  art,  proud  of  nothing. 

1339.     Read  'Y.  Fife' 


122  The  Palsgraue. 

Sox.    Is  a  Shippe  nothing  ? 

Y.  Fyts.    As  it  ankers  here 
1370     It  beares  a  goodly  show;  but  launcht  againe. 
And  a  storme  rise,  it  may  be  cast  aland 
As  I  haue  beene :  nay  worse,  it  may  may  be  sunke, 
And  then  what  is't,  but  a  fayre  something,  nothing? 
What  is,  and  now  is  not;  man's  life,  or  a  dreame, 
Now  swimming,  and  then  swallowed  in  the  streame. 

Sax.    His  words  are  piercing,  some  go  take  him  in : 
Come  downe,  and  be  receiued  into  our  Boate. 

Art.     That  shall  be  my  charge.  Exit  Artoise. 

Sax.    Could  wee  draw  this  spirit 
Into  our  plot,  hee'd  helpe  to  manage  it 
1380     Vnto  the  life,  and  I  should  take  it  better 
Then  yet  I  doe. 

Vand.    Perswasion  may  corrupt. 

Menf.    But  be  aduis'd  how  you  perswade  him  to  it. 

Trier.    And  take  his  Oath  at  first  for  sacrifice. 

Vand.    We  are  not  puny  Pollititians, 
To  be  instructed  in  the  rules  of  euill : 
Here  comes  Fitswaters. 

Enter  young  Fytswaters  and  Artoise, 

Sax.    Your  hand. 

Y.  Fytc.    And  sword,  but  that  the  Sea  deuour'd  it. 
Sax.     Know  sir,  we  haue  businesse  of  import  in 
hand. 
Wherein  our  purpose  is  to  craue  your  ayde, 
1390     And  as  we  sayle  to  France  weele  open  it. 

Y.  Fysf.    I  am  yours  in  all  things  that  are  honour- 
able. 
Sax.    Honourable  or  not,  you  shall  do  what  we  list. 
Launch  foorth  into  the  deepe.  Exeunt. 

1372.     Omit  'may.' 


The  Palsgraue.  123 

[Act  V.     Scene  i.     In  France.] 

Enter  King  Edzi'ard,  Palsgraue,  old  Fytzivaters, 

Clynton  and  Ciillen,  Drummes,  Colours, 

and  Soiddiers. 

King.     We  did   not  thinke  to   haue   footed   the 
French  ground. 
A  second  time  in  such  Hostihtie; 
But  when  the  conquered  beares  so  proud  a  head, 
Tis  fit  we  make  him  stoope :  yet  least  the  King 
Be  not  himselfe,  or  be  abus'd  by  any, 
My  Lord  of  Ciillen,  we  intreat  your  paynes 
1400     To  enquire  it  out  by  our  Ambassadour, 

As  Mcntz  and  Trier  his :  say  that  our  force 
Might  spoyle  his  countrey,  and  make  waste  his  land ; 
But  that  with  Frence  blood  we  haue  surfetted, 
And  therefore  care  not  greatly  to  shed  more. 
Say,  We  will  meete  him  at  an  enterview. 
There  to  discourse  our  griefes  before  we  fight, 
Where  if  he  haue  wrongd  me,  he  shall  doe  me  right. 

Cullen.     I  shall  delate  your  Highnesse  Embassie. 

Pal.     But  say  from  me  my  sword  nere  drunke 
Frence 
1410     And  therefore  it  is  thirstie  for  their  lines : 
That  ere  I  leaue  the  Continent  of  France, 
Without  good  satisfaction  from  the  King, 
None  of  his  Caualieres  shall  were  a  locke, 
He  haue  them  all  cut  off,  and  euery  yeere 
Be  payd  in  such  a  tribute  for  my  wrongs. 
As  for  proud  Saxon,  Say  my  word  is  kept. 
And  bid  him  warily  respect  his  owne : 
The  French  Kings  Palace  shall  not  saue  his  life, 
Nor  the  best  rampierd  Buhvarke  in  the  Land, 
1420     Except  he  answere  me  as  fits  a  Peere. 

Cut.  But  to  the  Emperour,  whats  your  will  to  him? 

Pals.     That  as  he  run  from  Spaynic,  he  shall  run 
hence, 


124  The  Palsgraue. 

Or  I  shall  make  him  a  poore  Emperour. 

His  Basterd  brauery  tell  him  must  goe  downe, 

And  the  legitimate  weare  Ccrsars  Crowne. 

King.     Fayle  not  to  vtter  euery  sillable 
Both  of  the  Palsgraucs  sending  and  our  owne. 

Cul.    I  shall  deliuer  both. 

Pals.     Tak't  how  they  please. 
If  they  fly  hence,  weele  follow  through  the  Seas. 
1430         Cullen.     I  goe.  Exit  Ciillen. 

King.     High  is  this  Embassy,  like  to  your  valour, 
Which  I  admire,  and  loue  ardently; 
That  I  could  wish  your  presence  all  my  dayes, 
And  thinke  your  company  to  me  more  sweete 
Then  mine  owne  Kingdome,  or  my  Crowne  besides. 

Pals.    Your  loue  and  Royall  presence  I  desire. 

K.      Clynton,    and   bold    Fytzn'atcrs,   be   it   your 
charge, 
Prouided  well  of  our  best  Ships  and  Souldiers, 
To  sayle  to  Germanic,  and  free  our  friends, 
1440     Kept  as  we  heare  there  with  a  slender  guard, 
In  a  weake  Castle. 

Old  Fit:;.    Which  weele  soone  beate  downe. 

Palsgr.    And  bring  them  hither. 

Clinton.     Or  returne  no  more. 

King.    March  forwards  to  the  place  where  weel  en- 
campe.  Exeunt. 

[Scene  2.     Another  part  of  France] 
Enter  Fit:::-zcaters,  Artoysc.  Uandonic,  and  Mendoza. 

Uand.    What  should  the  reason  be  of  this  dissen- 
tion 
And  why  is  young  Fitz-zvatcrs  f roward  thus  ? 

Artoysc.     His  arguments  are  strong  and  forcible. 

Mcndoz.     Single  vs  hither  to  the  forrest  side, 
Vnder  pretense  to  plot  more  priuately, 


The  Palsgraiie.  125 

And  now  not  onely  to  mislike  our  drifts, 
1450     But  call  vs  punies,  and  vnskilfull  men, 
It  shewes  a  spleenefull  hatred  to  vs  all. 

Y.  Eytz.    Not  vnto  all,  but  only  to  you  two  : 
Why  should  the  Earle  and  I  borne  a  Lords  sonne, 
loine  with  a  paire  of  base  companions, 
In  such  a  waighty  cause  as  a  Kings  death  : 
I  know  youle  say  you  haue  beene  physitians, 
Sailer,  and  Soldiers,  and  in  such  disguise, 
Done  some  exploit  that  haue  deseru'd  respect, 
I  graunt  as  much,  but  yet  your  birthes  are  meane, 
1460     No  gentry  in  your  bloold  was  euer  knowne 
By  naturall  Heraldry,  your  low  discents 
Disables  vs,  and  we  must  seeke  to  rise, 
With  others  of  our  owne  condition. 

Men.    Come  Uandome,  of  our  selues  weele  do  the 
deed 

F.  Fits.     Thar  were  the  ingrossing  of  the  fame 
from  vs 
And  so  you  would  haue  all  the  thankes  your  selues : 
Neither  commixt  with  vs,  nor  yet  alone, 
Shall  it  be  acted,  but  as  we  are  the  best 
In  brith,  and  ablity  to  doe  it, 
1470     Weele  haue  the  priuiledge  of  doing  it. 

Vandome.    And  we  should  giue  it  ouer. 

Y.  Fits.    To  your  betters. 
Or  hauing  fit  place,  Artoise  and  my  selfe, 
Will  kill  you  first,  then  cast  you  in  the  Riuer. 

Artoise.     Hee  speakes  what  wee  intend. 

Mendossc.     Intend  your  worse? 
Cccsar  has  promisde  him  the  Falsgraues  place, 

1452.  Read  'Y.  Fytz.' 

1458.  Read  'exploits.' 

1460.  Read  'blood.' 

1465.  Read  'That.' 

1469.  Read  'birth'  and  'ability.' 


126  The  Palsgraiie. 

And  I  shall  be  the  Marqucssc  Brandcnhiirgh  : 
Thinke  you  such  Titles  shalbe  lost  by  feare. 
Our  valour  has  bene  tryde  with  worthy  men, 
And  ere  we  loose  the  glorie  of  the  Act, 
1480     Uandonic  and  I  doe  meane  to  vse  you  so. 

Y.  Fyth.  Theyle  nere  be  honest. 

Uandome.    Come  Syr,  are  you  ready? 

Artoisc.     Most  resolute  villains,  how  they  would 
outbraue  vs  ? 

Y.  Fyth.    But  noble  Artoisc,  now  the  fire  is  giuen 
The  Cannon  must  goe  off. 

Artoisc.     Vnto  theyr  deaths. 

Fight.     Y.  Fyth  and  Artoisc  kill  Uandome, 
mid  Mendozsa. 

So  they  are  dead,  and  now  the  Fame  remaines 
Onely  to  vs,  that  will  accomplish  it. 

Y.  Fyth.    Onely  to  mee,  that  will  perform't  alone. 
Thinkes  Artoisc  those  were  slaine  cause  they  are 

base? 
Or  that  I  wrought  you  to  assist  my  plot, 

1490     Because  you  are  of  the  Nobilitie? 

No,  I  haue  still  this  Majvime  in  my  thoughts, 
That  a  Competitor,  though  nere  so  Noble, 
Takes  away  halfe  the  fame  in  euery  thing : 
I  could  haue  opend  this  vnto  you  all,       _ 
But  that  I  thought  my  selfe  too  weake  for  three : 
And  therefore  prouidently  vsde  thy  strength, 
To  kill  them  first,  that  I  might  slay  thee  after. 
Now  they  are  dead,  thy  life  must  follow  theirs. 
And  so  I  share  the  honour  to  my  selfe : 

1500     I  will  be  Palsgrauc,  Marqucssc  Brandenburgh, 
And  the  Bohemian  King  in  mee  alone, 
Ccesar  shall  write  himselfe  three  Friends  in  one. 

1481  and  below.     Read  'Y.  Fytz.'  ■ 


The  Palsgraue.  127 

Artoise.      I   doe  not  think  thou  meanst  to  be  a 
traitor. 

Y.  Fit:;.     Now  you  come  neer  me,  but  that  secrets 
mine, 
And  seeking  it  you  must  digge  through  my  heart, 
Or  it  will  nere  be  found,  it  lyes  so  close. 

Art:    He  know  it,  or  a  reason  in  your  blood. 

Y.  Fyt:^.     Wilt  thou  turne  honest? 

Artoise.    Doe  not  torture  mee. 
With  repetition  of  that  Beggars  name : 
1 5 10     Whome  none  but  Idiots,  Innocents,  or  blockes 
Will  entertaine. 

Y.  Fyta.     I  would  change  your  minde 
From  this  erronious  and  ill  boding  thought, 
Because  of  late  you  freed  me  from  the  rocke, 
But  if  it  be  so  hurtfull  to  your  sight 
Be  your  owne  death.  He  not  reueale  my  minde. 

Arto.     If  that  I  cannot  force  it  with  my  sworde, 
He  let  it  alone. 

Fight,  and  kills  Artoise. 

[Y.  Fits.]     So  lye  together,  three  a  paire  Royall 
makes. 
And  heres  a  paire  Royall  of  excellent  Villaines ; 
1520     These  haue  slaine  princes  by  their  owne  confession. 
These  made  a  Nation  swimme  in  her  owne  blood. 
The  streame  is  turnde  with  you,  t'is  now  high  flood : 
But  I  must  cast  you  all  into  the  Riuer. 
Yea,  swords  and  all,  to  cleare  mee  from  suspect ; 
Suspect?  by  whome  this  place  yeelds  no  such  eye, 
Tis  well  the  worlds  rid  of  their  villanie.  Exit. 

[Scene  3.     Palace  of  the  French  Kini^.] 

Enter  seuerally,  the  French  King  and  Floramell 

Flora^m.     His  Highnes  here,  then  Floramell  giue 
back. 


128  The  Palsgraue. 

F.  King.     Tis  shee,  a  word ;  theres  no  retiring 
hence. 
In  vaine  you  striue,  my  force  opposde  against  yours, 
1530     Will  easily  subdue  your  womans  strength, 
But  theres  a  power  included  in  your  eye 
That  conquers  Kings,  subdues  a  Deitie. 
And  he  that  had  the  strength  to  rule  those  graces, 
Might  nere  be  caught,  yet  view  the  brightest  faces : 
One  kisse,  and  He  no  more  importune  you. 

Floram.    On  that  condition,  I  will  graunt  you  one. 
F.  King.     But  you  must  giue  it  mee. 
Floram.     Dian  forbid,  that  were  immodestie. 
F.  King.    It  must  be  so. 
Floram.     Vpon  your  Kingly  Oath, 
1540     Neuer  hereafter  to  renew  your  sute. 

F.  King.     Now  by  my  crowne  I  sweare. 
Floram.     Take  it. 
F.  King.    Tis  done : 
And  with  this  kisse,  a  second  Fire  begun, 
More  ardent  are  my  thoughts  now  then  before : 
I  lou'd  thee  well,  but  now  I  loue  thee  more. 
Thou  shalt  not  leaue  me,  but  for  euer  dwell, 
Where  I  abide,  thy  absence  is  my  hell. 
Floram.     Thinke  on  your  Oath. 
F.  King.    At  Louers  periurie,  the  Gods  themselues 

doe  winke. 
Flo.     A  King  say  so,  pardon  mc  sir,  your  wil  He 
not  obey. 
1550     But  your  oth  broken,  mainely  run  away.  Exit  Floram. 
Enter  the  Qiieene,  hauing  heard  their  conference. 
Qii.    So,  so,  so :  This  is  the  afifection  that  you  beare 
to  me? 
Thinkes  the  French  King  He  not  reuenge  this  wrong? 
As  I  am  Queene  of  France,  He  make  her  know, 
What  tis  to  be  corriuall  in  my  Loue : 
Shee  dyes  by  Heauen. 


The  Palsgraue.  129 

F.  King.    If  thoii  but  spoyle  a  hair. 
Or  shed  one  drop  of  her  celestiall  blood 
For  any  conrtesie  I  hane  offered  her, 
My  wrath  shall :  as  a  fnrie  haunt  the  deed. 
1560     And  He  torment  thee  for  such  crueltie, 

Worse  then  the  damned  in  the  world  below. 

I  seldome  threaten,  but  I  doe  it  straight. 

Her  death  thy  Hell,  looke  too't,  tis  a  shre\vd  fate. 

Exit  King. 

Qiieene.    Hee  euer  yet  was  soueraigne  of  his  word, 
What  shall  I  doe,  brooke  this  corriualship? 
No,  since  I  cannot  in  the  Realme  of  France, 
Haue  the  reuenge  my  longing  heart  desires, 
Else-where  He  seeke  it,  I  of  late  beheld 
An  English  Lord  in  fauour  at  the  Court, 
1570     His  name  Fitrnvaters,  and  I  loue  him  well : 
By  his  procurement  I  will  lay  a  plot. 
To  yeeld  King  lohn  vnto  his  enemies, 
So  to  obtaine  my  purpose,  if  it  take 
How  euer  Fooles  may  thinke  to  proiect  ill, 
It  likes  mee  well,  because  I  haue  my  will.       Exit. 

[Scene  4.     Retired  place  near  the  French  King's 
palace.  ] 

Enter  a  Frenchman  and  an  Englishman. 

Frenchman.     What  are  you  ? 

English:  An  Englisliuuui  ik.  a  trauclk'r;  what  are 
you? 

French:  A  FrencJvma/n,  and  no  traueller. 

English:  Then  giue  way;  I'^or  I  am  the  l)etlcr  man. 
1580         French:    The  better  man  ? 

Englishm:  I,  the  better  man,  by  the  perambulation 
of  2.  or  3.  thousand  miles,  I  haue  scene  the  great 
Turke  borrow  M(jney.  and  neucr  miiidc  the  rci)ay- 
ment  ont. 


130  The  Palsgraue. 

French:  Penh,  is  that  all?  we  haue  a  number  of 
great  Christians  that  will  doe  so,  and  when  a  man 
comes  to  demaund  his  owne  somewhat  boldly,  hee 
shalbe  committed  to  prison,  or  made  a  Foole,  to  stand 
wayting  at  the  foredore  where  the  Coach  stands, 
whiles  the  Lord  steales  out  at  the  backe-dore  by 
water. 
1590        English:    1st  possible? 

French:  That  our  Tradesmen  can  tell,  to  their 
great  hindrance,  &  I  my  selfe  know  this,  that  being  in 
pouertie,  a  Lord  called  me  by  my  name  thrice,  but 
hee  would  not  remember  it  once,  when  hee  came  to 
his  Lands. 

Englishman.  The  reason  is.  least  thou  shouldst 
begge  some  of  his  New-liuing. 

French:  Nay  rather  for  feare  of  paying  the  old 
score. 

English:    Sure  thou  art  some  Nohlcmans  bastard, 
thou  canst  tell  their  tricks  so  right. 
1600         French.    And  by  some  great  woman  :  For  I  can  tell 
you  their  trickes  too. 

English.     As  how? 

French.  Your  only  fine  Lady  is  wantonnesse,  & 
new  Fashions,  your  Cittizens  wife  gallops  after.  But 
shee  is  not  so  well  horste  to  ouertake  her. 

English:  Now  we  are  in  the  discourse  of  women. 
What  Countrey-women  doest  thou  loue  best? 

French:    I  loue  none. 

English:    I  loue  all.  and  to  kisse  them  after  the 
1 610     fashion  of  all  Nations. 

Frenchm.  Why  I  pray  sir,  doe  not  all  Nations 
kisse  alike? 

English:  You  are  no  Traueller.  and  therefore  He 
beare  with  your  ignorance  :  but  know  this,  your  Span- 
yard,  as  hee  is  prowde,  hee  kisses  prowdly,  as  if  hee 
scornde   the  touch    of  a   Ladies   lippe;   marry  you 


The  Palsgraue.  131 

Frenchmen  draw  it  in,  as  if  hee  would  swallow  her 
aliue :  Now  the  Italian  has  scone  done  with  the  vpper 
parts,  to  be  tickling  of  the  lower  :  and  we  Englishmen 
1620     can  neuer  take  enough  at  both  endes. 

Frenchm:    Is  not  your  name  Maister  doe  much  ? 

English:  It  is,  and  yours  (I  thinke  should  be  Mon- 
sieur doe  litle. 

Frenchman.  Wee  ere  somewhat  a  kinne  in  the  first 
part  of  our  names,  and  I  pray  heartily  let  vs  be  better 
acquainted  together. 

English:  You  must  doe  as  I  doe  then,  and  since 
we  were  both  appointed,  to  wayte  heere  for  the 
French  Queenes  comming,  lets  take  her  golde,  and 
1630     forsweare  our  selues. 

French :     Heere  comes  her  Maiestie. 

Enter  the  Quecne. 

Qtieene.     Are    you    resolu'de    to    vndergoe    this 
charge  ? 
Tis  but  an  Oath,  which  I  will  guild  with  Crownes, 
And  beare  you  out  against  the  Law. 

Frenchm:  I  can  doe  little  beeing  so  animiited,  if 
I  should  not  forsweare  my  selfe.  for  so  fayre  a 
Oueene. 

Englishm:  And  He  doe  as  much  as  your  Maiestie 
will  haue  me  doe. 
1640         Qtieene.    Take  this  in  earnest,  and  when  tis  done, 
you  shall  haue  more. 

Frenchman.    Wee  will. 

Englishman.  And  from  this  time  forwards,  let  vs 
bee  forsworne  brothers. 

Frenchman.    Content.  Exeunt  French.  &  English. 

Qtieene.    He  instruct  you  :  Here  comes  Fitz^vaters. 

Enter  Young  Fytazvaters. 

1624.     Read   'are.' 


132  The  Palsgraue. 

Y.  Fytz.   According  to  your  Majesties  commaund, 
I  come  to  know  your  pleasure  for  the  Letter 
I  should  deliuer  to  the  English  King, 
1650     With  that  base  strumpet  that  has  Iniur'd  you. 

Queene.    There  is  the  Letter,  which  I  charge  you 
beare  vnto  King  Edward,  and  assure  his  Grace 
I  will  performe  what  I  haue  promis'de  in't, 
He  send  the  strumpet  to  you  instantly.    Exit  Queene. 

Y.  Fyth.    I  knowe  not  by  what  influence  I  am  falne 
Into  the  affection  of  this  potent  Queene : 
But  shee  has  sworne  shee  loues  me  as  her  soule : 
And  to  enioy  me  in  her  amorous  Bed, 
Would  spend  the  reuenues  of  the  Crowne  of  France 
1660     Were  it  her  owne :     Be  temporize  with  her. 

To  effect  some  plot  vpon  my  Soueraignes  foes, 
But  shee  shall  know,  Although  shee  loue  me  well, 
My  hearts  desires  were  drownd  with  Floramcll. 

Enter  Floramcll. 

Florauicll.     By  all  descriptions  this  should  be  the 
man. 
To  whome  I  am  directed  by  the  Queene : 
But  whome  doe  I  beholde  the  young  Fyt::iuaters? 

Y.  Fyth.      Tis  she,  Oh  no,  shees  in  the  Ocean 
drownd, 
No ;  Shees  escapt  it  seemes  as  well  as  L 
But  I  will  take  no  acquaintance  of  my  Loue, 
1670     Till  shee  has  cleerd  her  from  the  Queenes  suspect. 

Floramcll.    It  is  not  meete  I  take  acquaintance  first, 
Nor  wall  I  till  I  know  a  iust  cause  why. 
Of  his  Famjliar  dealings  vv'ith  the  Queene, 
Here  is  the  key  her  Highnes  promiz'd  yon. 

Y.  Fyt::.    And  you  the  prisoner  to  be  safe  lockt  vp, 
For  your  incontinence  and  wanton  life. 

Floramcll.  You  doe  me  wTong,  I  hate  incontinence. 
Nor  did  I  euer  loue  a  w-anton  life: 


The  Palsgraue.  133 

I  am  a  desolate  Ladie,  shipwrackt  here, 
1680     And  had  a  Husband  once,  too  Hke  thy  lookes, 

But  not  of  such  a  rude  condition. 

Oh  were  hee  present,  and  should  heare  thee  speake 

Such  boystrous  termes  against  his  honourd  wife, 

He  would  out  of  the  vertue  of  his  minde 

Knowing  my  conuersation  to  be  good. 

Write  this  base  slander  in  thy  villaines  blood. 
F.  Fytz.     So  confident,  her  innocence  is  great. 

That  can  doe  this  sincetely  without  trickes : 

But  if  you  be  the  same  that  you  would  seeme, 
1690     How  comes  that  your  reputations  growne, 

Into  such  scandall,  and  your  name  the  theame, 

Of  euery  idle  fellow  in  the  Court? 

That  Groomes  report,  faire  Infortunate  is 

The  French  Kings  loue :   Nay  worse  his  concubine. 

The  voyce  of  men  is  held  the  voyce  of  God : 

And  where  an  euill  is  so  farre  proclaimde, 

The  generality  approues  the  guilt, 

And  shees  vnworthy  to  sur^•iue  a  minute, 

To  be  the  separation  of  two  hearts, 
1700     Made  one  by  Marriage. 

Floramell.    Kill  me,  kill  me  then. 

Hauing  my  sentence,  wherefore  am  I  sparde? 

Or  doe  you  take  delight  to  torture  mee? 

Before  you  serue  the  Execution? 

The  Law  ref|uires  no  more  but  death  for  Lust. 

The  lingring  is  a  note  of  Tyrannic. 

It  is  sufficient  that  the  wretch  must  die, 

The  sooner  done,  the  lesser  crueltie. 

But  if  your  conscience  vrge  you  to  forhearc. 
1 710     I  shall  confute  your  worthlesse  Arguments. 

And  tell  you  in  the  |)urenesse  of  my  sonic, 

1688.     Read  'sincerely.' 
1693.     Qy.    Read  'Infortuna.' 


134  The  Palsgraue. 

Report's  a  lyar,  common  talke  a  Foole. 
Wayters  &  Groomes,  light-headed  hke  theyr  plumes, 
And  those  that  doe  attend  in  Princes  Courtes, 
Too  actiue  and  quicke-witted  to  depraue 
A  Courting  they  proclaime  for  a  consent, 
A  fauour  for  the  deede,  belieue  them  not : 
It  is  too  common,  this  they  hourely  doe, 
And  thinke  none  chast,  but  her  whom  none  did  wooe, 
1720         Y.  Fytz.  But  you  did  kisse  the  King. 

Floramell.    The  Oueene  did  see  it, 
Vrg'de  by  constraint,  and  Kingly  violence. 
Vpon  condition  hee  should  wooe  no  more : 
And  for  that  kisse  I  am  esteemd  a  whore : 
If  you  beleeue  I  am,  I  pray  proceede, 
I  kist  the  King,  doe  you  a  murderous  deede. 

Y.  Fytz.    Rise,  rise,  hereafter  the  discourse  He  tell, 
Meane  time  Fytzzvatcrs  welcomes  Floramell. 

FlorauieU.    So  then  I  am  honest  by  your  owne  con- 
fession. 
But  ere  I  entertaine  you  as  a  Husband, 
1730     He  be  resolu'd  what  Loue  has  past  betweene 
The  Oueene  and  you,  that  you  her  Agent  are. 
In  such  a  weighty  cause  as  is  my  life. 

Y.  Fytc.     Runs  the  stream  this  way,  is  the  wind 
turnd  thus? 

Floramell.     I  must  know  all. 

Y.  Fyt£.     In  sight  of  Heauen  I  vowe 
Shee  is  as  chaste  for  any  lust  from  mee, 
As  vnborne  Infants,  and  I  vse  her  loue. 
But  to  aduance  my  soueraigne  and  his  Realme. 
No  other  cause  by  honour  I  protest. 
In  signe  whereof  I  oppose  an  innocent  breast 
1740     Against  the  sword  :   if  you  beleeue  not.  kill, 
But  neuer  man  died  for  a  lesser  ill. 

Floramel.     I  am  satisfied,  rise  loue,  and  let  vs  goe, 
Theres  no  true  ioy  without  some  taste  of  woe. 

Exeunt. 


The  Palsgraue.  135 

[Scene  5.     Hall  in  the  French  King's  palace] 

Enter  French  King,  Bastard,  Saxon,  Trier,  and 
Ments,  Queene. 

F.  King.    Prosperity  I  thinke  was  borne  in  France, 
Tis  so  obsequious  vnto  all  our  acts ; 
And  like  a  subiect  waites  vpon  our  will : 
To  morrow  is  this  happy  enterv'iew, 
In  which  Fitj:-waters  and  the  Earle  of  Artoise, 
Haue  promisde  to  surprise  the  English  King, 
1750     And  the  ambitious  Palsgraue. 

Bastard,     If  it  take, 
We  shall  haue  cause  to  praise  our  happinesse. 

Saxon.      Take,   out   of   all   surmise :   and   in   my 
thoughts 
It  is  as  good  already  as  perform'de. 

Trier.     I  thinke  no  lesse. 

Mentz.     It  is  most  probable. 

F.  K.     Where  is  the  Queen  she  promisde  vs  a 
maske  ? 

Queene.     The  Maske  is  ready. 

F.  K.     Be  louiall  Caesar :  mitrth  began  the  night : 
And  we  will  end  it  with  the  like  delight. 

Enter  King  Edzuard,  the  Palsgraite,   end   V.   Fitz. 

Floramel,  Cullen,  &  diners  Lords  in  the  Maske, 

they  daunce  there. 

F.  King.    We  are  beholding  to  you  Gentlemen, 
1760     For  this  your  Court-ship,  i)ray  discouer  now. 

E.  King.    We  will,  and  make  you  all  die  prisoners. 

F.  K.     King  Edward  heere? 
Saxon.    The  Palsgraue. 
Bastard.    All  our  foes. 
Mentz.  Whose  plot  was  this? 

1757.     Read  'mirth.' 


136  The  Palsgraue. 

Trier.    Or  is  it  not  a  Dreame? 

Palsgraue.    Tis  such  a  Dreame  youl  neuer  waken 
from : 
To  talke  of  this  strange  admiration, 
Which  hke  the  night  houers  on  eiiery  eye : 
Know  that  I  haue  deluded  you  with  hopes 
Vaine,  Hke  those  villaines,  which  my  sword  did  kill, 
And  by  a  Letter  to  the  King  deliuered, 
1770     Sent  by  your  Oueene,  to  be  reueng'd  for  lust, 
I  causde  his  Maiestie  to  enter  thus. 

Queene.    I  receiuved  them  in  at  the  backe  Gate. 

King.  Wheres  the  Lady  that  has  wrong  the  Queen? 

Y.  Fitzw.    Heere  is  my  troth-plight  wife, 
Freer  from  that  foule  imputation. 
Then  is  her  Maiestie  from  iealousie. 

King.     Is  she  then  chaste? 

French  King:    He  answere  for  the  Virgin, 
By  my  good  Fortunes  once,  now  by  my  beard, 
She  is  as  nobly  vertuous  of  a  stranger, 
1780     As  ere  I  knew,  and  though  I  sought  her  loue, 
I  nere  obtaind  it. 

Queene.     No,  where  is  my  witnesse? 

King.     Sonne,  call  them  in. 
Enter  Frenchman,  and  Englishman  druncke. 

Palsgrofne.    What  can  you  sweare? 

French:    What  must  wee  sweare? 

English:  He  sweare  that  the  Lady  is  a  good  Ladie, 
The  Queen  a  good  Queen,  &  thers  an  end  of  swear- 
ing. 

King.     Is  this  all? 

English.     And  more  then  you  should  get  of  mee, 
but  that  the  Queene  gaue  vs  golde  to  say  something : 
1790     but  who  haue  we  here  sirrah? 

Fren^hm.     Players,  by  this  light  players :    Oh  I 
loue  a  play  with  all  my  heart. 

EnglisJi.     Begin,  begin,  we  are  set.      (Sit  on  the 
Railes. 


The  Palsgraue.  137 

French:    Thats  a  braue  King. 

English:    Thats    a    braue    boy    that    playes    the 
Oueenes  part. 

French:  He  shalbe  my  luggler. 

English:    And   when   the   play's   don,    He  be   at 
charges  to  bid  them  all  to  supper. 

Palsgraue.     Away  with  them. 
1800         French:    I  am  very  sleepy. 

English:  Would  I  were  a  bed. 

y.  Fit:;.    He  lead  you  thither. 

English.     God  a  mercy  good  Chamberlaine. 

French.     The  play's  done,  and  now  we  must  go 
home.     Farewell.  Exeunt  Fooles. 

Queene.    But  shal  the  stream  turne,  this  way  is  my 
plot 
Become  so  weake?  you  will  beleeue  a  Subiect 
Before  a  Queene?    I  haue  out-shot  my  selfe, 
In  seeking  Justice  at  an  enemies  hand : 
1810     This  is  a  crosse  beyond  the  strength  of  brayne; 
Sure  I  shall  end  my  dayes  in  Lunacy, 
Like  one  to  whom  due  vengeance  is  denide. 
Because  of  weaknesse,  on  my  selfe  He  turne 
The  fury  that  should  light  vpon  my  foe, 
Scatter  my  hayre,  like  chaffe  before  the  windc. 
Hell  in  this  world  dwells  in  a  iealous  minde.  Exit.  Q. 

Pals.    Our  reuelling  has  strucke  day  out  of  night, 
And  bright  Aurora  vshers  foorth  the  Sunne 
To  his  diurnall  course;  yet  neyther  night, 
1820     Day,  nor  the  morning,  with  her  staring  beamcs. 
Can  stirre  vp  valour  in  this  Saxons  brest : 
What,  is  thy  minde  made  captiue  with  thy  iK^xly  ? 
Or  thinkst  thou  that  I  take  aduantages 
Where  honour  should  be  shewd.  Tmc  still  my  sclfc 

1806.     Read  'But  shal  the  stream  turne  this  way?     Is  my  plot 
Become  so  weake?' 


138  The  Palsgraue. 

Ready  to  giue  an  answere  to  thy  challenge 
As  at  the  first,  and  if  thou  conquerst  me, 
By  my  Atchieuements  I  will  set  thee  free. 

Sax.     You  shew  your  selfe  in  this  a  Noble  foe, 
And  I  receiue  more  honour  then  I  hop't : 
1830     I  thought,  because  I  was  your  prisoner, 
You  had  esteemd  captiuitie  a  conquest. 
Butsince  you  haue  awa  ked  sleeping  valour. 
And  giuen  your  Captiue  such  priuiledge : 
I  am  the  same  bolde  combattant  to  dare. 
And  doe  as  much  as  erst  I  did  intend. 

Palsgraue.  Choose  your  owne  Weapons,  and  He 
meete  you  streight. 

Saxon .     My  Armour  there.  Exeunt. 

Enter  Cullcn. 

Cullen.    Clinton  and  bold  Fytzii'nters  are  arriu'de, 
And  bring  with  them  releast  from  seruitude 
1840     Brandenherg,  Sauoy,  and  Bohemia. 
King.    Guide  them  in. 

Enter  Old  Fytzzvaters,  Clinton,  Drum,  and  Collours, 
zmth  Sauoy,  Brandenherg,  and  Bishops,  z^nth  Soldiers. 

Old  Fytzzv:  These  with  our  selues,  we  humbly  doe 
present  vnto  your  Maiestie. 

Clinton.  Such  as  our  Swordes  by  a  glorious  vic- 
torie  set  free. 

King.  When  Heauen  is  pleasde  to  giue  prosperitie, 
How  it  flowes  in  :  welcome  my  honord  Friends  :  I  am 
glad  your  thraldomes  proue  your  libertie. 

Sauoy.  The  King  of  England  has  bene  alwayes 
kinde. 

Boheni.     I  haue  euer  found  it  so. 

Brandenb:    And  so  haue  I. 

1841.     Read  'But  since  you  haue  awakened  sleeping  valour.' 


The  Palsgraue.  139 

1850  Old  Fytzzv:  Whom  doe  I  see?  my  Sonne  that  stole 
my  Bride?  As  you  respect  my  seruice( gracious  King) 
Let  me  haue  Justice. 

Clint:   Clinton,  kneeles  with  him. 

Y.  Fytc.  To  their  great  seruice,  greater  I  oppose, 
And  doe  beseech  your  Highnes  wrong  me  not. 

Old  Fyfzzi.':    Wrong  thee? 

Y.  Fitzzu:  I  wrong  mee,  may  not  Kings  doe 
wrong?  Or  dare  you  thinke  because  you  are  my 
Father,  He  loose  my  wife. 

Clinton.     Daughter  come  from  him.  least  I  force 
3^ou  hither. 

F  lor  am  ell.     Father  I  may  not. 

Y.  Fytj:.     Fathers  both  shee  shall  not. 
i860         King.    Weele  heare  no  more  of  these  bold  menaces 
On  paine  of  death  I  charge  you  both  forbeare : 
And  let  my  censure  sway  this  difference. 
In  England  at  your  house  the  Byshop  tolde  mee 
That  Clintons  Daughter  by  a  precontract, 
Was  young  Fytzzvatcrs  wife ;  and  that  some  tricke 
Betwixt  the  Fathers  to  preserue  theyr  wealth. 
Broke  off  the  match,  to  haue  him  wedde  the  olde. 
This  being  true ;   I  charge  you  on  your  Hues 
Vrge  him  no  further  in  his  lawfull  choyce, 
1870     But  as  twas  wrong  enough  to  hinder  it, 
Make  him  amends,  by  being  reconcilde. 

Y.  Fyt.z.     Which  I  intreat  v])on  a  dutious  knee. 

Floranicll.     And  so  doe  T. 

Old  F\t.zw.    Rise,  rise,  T  am  frcnds  with  you  both, 
and  when  my  Angers  ouer  you  shall  find  me  a  kind 
Father. 

Clinton.     So  shall  you. 

Y.  Fyt.z.     All  lets  are  now  rcniou'd,    1  am  truly 
happy. 

1867.     Read  'her.' 


140  The  Palsgraue. 

Cullen.     The  Combattants  are  ready. 
King.     Guide  them  in. 

Enter  scucrally  Saxon  and  the  Palsgraue  Armd,  and 
in  thcyr  shyrts,  Drum  &  CiiUors. 

Palsgr.     Idle  are  words  where  we  must  vse  our 
swords, 
Yet  that  it  may  appeare  \vhat  mindes  we  beare, 
1880     Now  we  are  marcht  into  this  dreadfull  Lists, 
Know  that  this  day  my  Honour  shall  exceede. 
Or  I  lye  breathlesse  where  I  set  my  foote. 

Saxon.     Were  thy  brest  Marble,  &  thy  ribbs  of 
brasse, 
Saxon  will  haue  the  superioritie, 
Or  in  this  dreadfull  place,  his  life  expires. 

Palsgraue.    Sound  trumpets,  &  the  destinies  guide 
all.  Fight,  and  kills  Saxon. 

Bastard.    The  Palsgraue  is  invincible  I  thinke. 

F.  King.     Not  to  be  ouercome. 

Mentz.    Nor  to  be  tam'de  by  any. 

F.  King.     Matchlesse  and  farre  beyond  the  praise 
1890     of  words,  are  all  thy  actions,  let  me  honour  thee. 

Palsgraue.  Our  Friends  returnd  in  safety  theres 
more  ioy. 

F.  King.  Cccsar  resigne  your  Title  vnto  Sauoy, 
and  Sauoy,  sit  you  vp,  whilst  the  Electors  heere  ioyne 
all  their  hands  to  make  thee  Emperour. 

Palsgr:    Mine  as  the  first. 

Bo  hem. 

Trier.    And  to  get  your  loue. 
We  will  disgrace  our  selues  to  honour  him. 

Bastard.  Receiue  the  Crowne,  but  as  hee  weares 
the  same  may  it  crush  out  his  braines. 

Palsgr.      Long   line   and    happily   the   Germaine 
Cccsar. 


The  Palsgraue.  141 

1900         Sauoy.    As  happily  as  your  kinde  lones  haue  made 
me,  And  as  long  as  please  the  Heauens. 

Palsgraue.  Your  farther  rights  shalbe  performd 
with  State  in  Germanic,  whither  I  inuite  the  Maiestie 
of  Englajid,  and  all  our  Friends. 
King.  lie  beare  you  companie. 
Palsgr:  Faire  windes  and  prosperous  to  our 
seueral  realmes,  wee  wish  and  pray  for,  tis  not  our 
least  good  to  be  the  Fauorites  of  the  waning  Flood. 

Exeunt. 
FINIS.  W.  Smyth. 


NOTES  ON  THE  TEXT. 

Dedicatory  letter,  p.  67.     Quicquid  conabor  diccre  versus  erit.     An 
adaptation  or  an  inexact  quotation  of  Ovid,  Trist'mm  IV,  10,  25-26. 
Sponte  sua  carmen  numeros  veniebat  ad  aptos : 
Quicquid  temptabam  scribere  versus  erat. 

P.  67.  Naturam  expellas  furca  licet  vsq;  recurrii — 'You  may  drive  off 
nature  with  a  pitchfork,  but  she  ever  comes  running  back.'  Horace, 
Epodes  I,  10,  24. 

Prologue,  25.  'Nurseries  of  Art,'  a  reference  to  the  universities  where 
plays  were  often  acted. 

Prologue,  27.  'Cathurnall,'  a  misprint  for  'Cothurnal.'  Cf.  Jonson, 
Poetaster,  V.  i,  130,  'cothurnal  buskins.'  Cf.  also  Lusts  Dominions, 
V.  5.  'The  scene  wants  actors ;  I'll  fetch  more,  and  clothe  it  In  rich 
cothurnal  pomp.' 

13.  'A  mere  Caesar,'  /.  e.,  one  temporarily  invested  with  the  powers  of 
Emperor  of  the  Roman  Empire.  By  order  of  the  Golden  Bull,  issued 
in  1356  by  Emperor  Charles  IV,  the  Count  Palatine  of  the  Rhine  was 
the  arch-steward  of  the  Empire  and  during  a  vacancy  of  the  throne  he 
became  the  administrator  of  the  Empire  with  the  power  of  presenting 
benefices,  collecting  revenues,  investing  with  fiefs,  receiving  oaths  for 
and  in  the  name  of  the  Holy  Empire,  but  such  acts,  were  to  be  con- 
firmed by  the  new  Emperor. 

52-3.  If  the  author  had  any  particular  stream  in  mind,  it  was  proba- 
bly the  Neckar;  and  the  'stronger  castle'  was  doubtless  the  celebrated 
one  at  Heidelberg. 

54.  The  meaning  seems  to  be  'Shame  to  us  all  if  we  sit  still  and 
allow  that  to  happen.'  In  archery  the  expression  'give  aim'  means  to 
guide  one  by  giving  him  the  result  of  a  preceding  shot;  hence,  to  direct. 
In  line  668  the  phrase  is  used  more  nearly  in  its  literal  sense. 

73.  The  modern  town  of  Mazieres  is  south  of  the  Loire,  in  eastern 
middle  France.  There  is  little  doubt  that  the  author  intended  Najarra. 
See  Introduction,  p.  30. 

84.     Relative  omitted,  as  often.     Cf.  Abbott,  Shak.  Gram.,  244. 
lOi.     There  seems  to  have  been  no  provision  by  which  an  elector  wa.s 
barred  from  the  emperorship. 

147.     'Inflammation,'  deep  feeling  or  desire. 

163-226.      The   dramatic   motive  contained   in   these   lines   is  that  of 

(143) 


144  T^fi^  Palsgraue. 

the  first  Act  of  Henry  IV,  where  Northumberland  is  informed  of  the 
overthrow  of  his  party  and  the  death  of  his  son: 
'In  poison  there  is  physic;  and  these  news 
Having  been  well,  that  would  have  made  me  sick, 
Being  sick,  have  in  some  measure  made  me  well.' 

213-4.  See  the  comparison  of  these  lines  with  similar  ones  from  The 
foure  Prentises  of  London,  Introduction,  p.  48. 

230.  The  beginning  of  Peter's  speech  is  unintelligible  as  printed. 
Perhaps  we  should  read  'Palsgrave,  I  may  helpe  him,'  but  a  more 
plausible  reading  would  be,  'Cullen,  I  may  helpe  him.' 

239.     This  speech,  though  printed  as  prose,  is  easily  scanned. 

241.     Compare  1.   589. 

269.     Dejaneira,  the  wife  of  Hercules. 

275-9.     Ben  Jonson's   additions  to   The  Spanish   Tragedy,  III,  2. 
'My  Sonne?     And  what's  a  sonne?     A  thing  begot 
Within  a  paire  of  minutes,  there-about.' 

326.  With  the  name  Floramell  compare  Florimell  in  Spenser's  Fccrie 
Qiieene.  Cf.  also  Floramell,  a  fairy  knight  in  The  Whore  of  Babylon 
(Dekker's  Works,  II). 

330.  The  figure  refers  to  the  fathers  who  would  have  prevented  the 
marriage  of  the  young  couple. 

345.  Lord  Clinton  here  prevents  Lord  Fitzwaters  from  striking 
young  Fitzwaters.  At  line  380  Lord  Clinton  interposes  his  body  be- 
tween the  father  and  son. 

359.  'Pathaires'  seems  to  mean  affairs  of  deep  feeling,  aft'airs  of 
the  heart.  The  word  is  of  rare  occurrence  and  of  doubtful  origin  and 
meaning.     In  Arden  of  Feversham,  IV,  i,  we  find, 

'Such  depe  pathaires,  lyke  to  a  cannons  burst.' 
Tyrrell,   in   commenting  upon   the   passage,   says    {Doubtful   Plays   of 
Shakspere,  p.  409) ,  'That  is,  moving  sighs ;  sighs  which  by  their  intensity 
have  a  pathetic  power.' 

366.  'Forbeare,'  keep  away  from,  or  keep  from  interfering  with.  Cf. 
1.  407,  for  a  similar  use  of  the  word. 

456.  In  the  reign  of  Edward  IV,  Lawrence  Booth,  afterwards  Arch- 
bishop of  York,  bought  one  moiety,  nearly  400  acres,  in  the  parish  of 
Battersea,  on  the  Surrey  side  of  the  Thames.  He  annexed  it  to  the 
see  of  York  and  built  a  house  by  the  river  as  a  residence  for  the 
archbishops  in  their  visits  to  the  south.  It  was  used  for  this  purpose 
till  late  in  the  seventeenth  century.  This  would  be  a  very  likely  place 
for  the  runaways  to  meet  if  they  desired  to  escape  by  water.  The 
anachronism  is  not  reprehensible. 

520.     A  reference  to  the  story  of  Arion. 


Notes  on  the  Text.  145 

554.  There  is  some  corruption  of  the  text  here.  Perhaps  some  re- 
mark made  by  the  king  is  omitted.  'I  am  satisfied'  is  evidently  Clin- 
ton's speech. 

576.     'Unvalued,'  inestimable,  invaluable.     Cf.  Richard  III,  I,  4,  27. 

650.  Qy.  Read  'my  prides  defalt.'  The  passage  as  printed  is  unin- 
telligible. The  Bastard  represents  what  Saxon's  pride  necessarily  failed 
of  achieving  because  Saxon  admits  that  he  must  rule  by  proxy,  being 
himself  'bard  the  onely  Throane.' 

659.     'Rotchet,'  a  close-fitting  vestment  of  linen  worn  by  bishops. 

668.     See  note  54. 

725.     'Regreete.'     Compare  Edzcard  III.,  Ill,  5,  64. 

731-3.  The  first  line  is  spoken  to  the  Bishops,  Mentz,  and  Trier,  as  is 
Saxon's  speech  just  preceding.  The  remainder  of  the  speech  is  ad- 
dressed to  Saxon. 

749.  'Has,'  a  common  contraction  of  'he  has,'  sometimes  (always  by 
Jonson)   written  'h'as.' 

926-7.  The  meaning  is  that  the  succession  to  the  crown  is  so  well 
established  that  any  attempt  to  gain  ascendency  would  be  fruitless. 
Besides  Prince  Richard,  the  son  of  the  Black  Prince  and  the  heir  to 
the   throne,  Edward,  had  three  sons  still   living. 

949.     Spoken  to  the  Palsgrave. 

974.  The  real  Robert  of  Artoise  was  created  Earl  of  Richmond  by 
Edward. 

1012.     'Timelesse,'  eternal.     Cf.  Marlowe,  Edzvard  II,  I,  2. 
'This  ground,  vvhich  is  corrupted  with  their  steps 
Shall  be  their  timeless  sepulchre  or  mine.' 

The  commoner  meaning  of  'timeless'  is  'untimely.'  Cf.  S/r  Thomas 
Wyatt  (Dekker,  Works,  III,  121). 

1018.  An  anachronism.  Pistols  were  not  in  use  in  England  until  the 
sixteenth  century.     Cf.  Pericles,  I,  i,   168. 

1081.     This  speech  evidently  belongs  to  the   Palsgrave. 

1089.  Knights  of  the  Order  of  St.  John,  called  'Hospitallers,'  had 
their  origin  at  Jerusalem  early  in  the  eleventh  century.  It  was  not 
until  1530  that  Charles  V  ceded  the  island  of  iVlalta  to  the  Hospi- 
tallers. 

1 152.  Cf.  Julius  Ccrsar,  HI.   i.  260. 

'Over  thy  wounds  now  do  T  prophesy 
Which  like  dinnb  mouths  do  ope  their  ruby  lips.' 

1 153.  'Pronounce,'  annomice.  The  sense  apparently  is  that  the  sight 
of  the  wounds  would  prndtice  great  fear.  The  figure  is  extravagant  and 
infelicitous. 

1 158.  'Locke'  means  here  wig.  Cf.  the  fashionable  'love-lock'  wnrn 
by  men  in   the  early  seventeenth  century. 


146  The  Palsgraue. 

1 178.     'Sound,'  considerable.     Qy.   Read  'sounder,'  for  sake  of  meter. 

1245.     'Vades,'  vanishes,  a  doublet  of  fades. 

13 12.  A  proverbially  common  quibble  signifying  to  come  near  an 
object,  but  never  attain  it. 

1465.  'Ingrossing,'  taking  the  gross  or  whole  of,  depriving.  Cf.  Jon- 
son,  Cynthia's  Revels,  IV,  2,  16. 

1509.  The  antecedent  of  'that  Beggar'  is  apparently  'honesty'  con- 
cealed in  'honest' 

15 18.  'Paire  Royall,'  three  similar  things,  especially  three  cards  of 
the  same  denomination,  as  in  the  game  of  primero.  Cf.  Ford,  Broken 
Heart,  V,  2. 

"On  a  pair-royal  do  I  wait  in  death  : 

My  sovereign,   as  my  liegeman;   on   my  mistress. 

As   a   devoted   servant ;    and   on    Ithocles, 

As  if  no  brave,  yet  no  unworthy  enemy.' 

1545-6.  Cf.  similar  lines  from  The  foure  Prentises  of  Londoyi,  quoted 
in  the  Introduction,  p.  47. 

1548.  The  familiar  quotation  based  on  Tibullus,  III,  VI,  6.  49.  'Pet- 
jiiria  ridct  amaiitum  Jupiter.'     Cf.  Romeo  and  Juliet.  II.  2,  92. 

1635.     'Animated,'  intended  as  a  quibble  for  'nominated.' 

1712.     Cf.  the  proverb  'Gossiping  and  lying  go  together.' 

1768.  The  author  makes  a  slip  here.  The  'villaines'  were  killed 
by  young  Fytzwaters. 

1808.  'Out-shot,'  overshot.  Cf.  Chapman,  All  Fools,  IV,  i  ;  also 
Julius  Ccesar,  III,  2,  155. 

1895.  Bohemia's  speech  has  dropped  out  in  all  the  copies  of  the 
quarto  knov.n  to  me. 

1889- 1907.  The  last  page  of  the  quarto  is  not  printed  as  verse,  the 
only  apparent  reason  for  this  being  the  impatience  of  the  printer.  Be- 
ginning with  line  1889,  I  have  scanned  the  verses  to  end  successively 
with  the  following  words :  zvords,  thee,  toy,  Sauoy,  heere,  Emperour, 
hue,  him,  same,  braines,  Ccesar,  me,  rights,  Germanie,  England,  coni- 
panie,  Realmes,  good.  Flood. 


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